The
Donner Party was a group of 87
American pioneers who in 1846 set off from
Illinois in a
wagon train headed west for
California, only to find themselves trapped by snow in the
Sierra Nevada.
The subsequent casualties resulting from starvation, exposure, disease,
and trauma were extremely high, and many of the survivors resorted to
cannibalism.
The wagons left in May 1846. Encouraged to try a new, faster route across
Utah and
Nevada, they opted to take the
Hastings Cutoff proposed by
Lansford Hastings, who had never taken the journey with wagons. The Cutoff required the wagons to traverse Utah's
Wasatch Mountains and the
Great Salt Lake Desert,
and slowed the party considerably, leading to the loss of wagons,
horses, and cattle. It also forced them to engage in heavy labor by
clearing the path ahead of them, and created deep divisions between
members of the party. They had planned to be in California by September,
but found themselves trapped in the Sierra Nevada by early November.
Most of the party took shelter in three cabins that had been constructed two years earlier at Truckee Lake (now
Donner Lake),
while a smaller group camped several miles away. Food stores quickly
ran out, and a group of 15 men and women attempted to reach California
on snowshoes in December, but became disoriented in the mountains before
succumbing to starvation and cold. Only seven members of the snowshoe
party survived, by eating the flesh of their dead companions. Meanwhile,
the
Mexican–American War
delayed rescue attempts from California, although family members and
authorities in California tried to reach the stranded pioneers but were
turned back by harsh weather.
The first rescue group reached the remaining members, who were
starving and feeble, in February 1847. Weather conditions were so bad
that three rescue groups were required to lead the rest to California,
the last arriving in March. Most of these survivors also had resorted to
cannibalism. Forty-eight members of the Donner Party survived to live
in California. Although a minor incident in the record of westward
migration in North America, the Donner Party became notorious for the
reported claims of cannibalism. Efforts to memorialize the Donner Party
were underway within a few years; historians have described the episode
as one of the most spectacular tragedies in California history and in
the record of western migration.
[1]
Background
During the 1840s, the United States saw a dramatic increase in
pioneers: people who left their homes in the east to settle in Oregon
and California. Some, like Patrick Breen, saw California as a place
where they would be free to live in a fully Catholic culture,
[2] but many were inspired by the idea of
Manifest Destiny, a philosophy that asserted the land between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans belonged to Americans and they should settle it.
[3] Most wagon trains followed the
Oregon Trail route from
Independence, Missouri, to the
Continental Divide, traveling at about 15 miles (24 km) a day
[4] on a journey that usually took between four and six months.
[5] The trail generally followed rivers to
South Pass, a
mountain pass in Wyoming relatively easy for wagons to negotiate.
[6] From there, wagon trains had a choice of routes to their destination.
[7]
Lansford W. Hastings,
an early immigrant, had gone to California in 1842 and saw the promise
of the undeveloped country. To encourage settlers he published
The Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California.
[8] He described a direct route across the
Great Basin, which would bring emigrants through the
Wasatch Mountains and across the
Great Salt Lake Desert.
[9] Hastings had not traveled any part of his proposed shortcut until early 1846, on a trip from California to
Fort Bridger. The fort — a scant supply station run by
Jim Bridger and his partner
Pierre Louis Vasquez — was in
Blacks Fork, Wyoming. Hastings stayed at the fort to persuade travelers to turn south on his route.
[8]
As of 1846, Hastings was the second of two men documented to have
crossed the southern part of the Great Salt Lake Desert and neither had
been accompanied by wagons.
[9][A]
The most difficult part of the journey to California was the last 100 miles (160 km), across the
Sierra Nevada. This mountain range contains 500 distinct peaks over 12,000 feet (3,700 m) high,
[10]
and because of their height and proximity to the Pacific Ocean they
receive more snow than most other ranges in North America; the eastern
side of the range is also extremely steep.
[11]
Timing was crucial to ensure after leaving Missouri to cross the vast
wilderness to Oregon or California that wagon trains would not be bogged
down by mud created by spring rains, nor by massive snowdrifts in the
mountains from September onwards, and also that their horses and oxen
would have enough spring grass to eat.
[12]
Families and progress
In the spring of 1846, almost 500 wagons headed west from Independence.
[13] At the rear of the train,
[14] a group of nine wagons containing 32 members of the Reed and Donner families and their employees left on May 12.
[15] George Donner
was from North Carolina, but he had gradually moved west to Kentucky,
Indiana, and Texas. In early 1846, he was a 62-year-old farmer in
Springfield, Illinois.
Donner brought his 44-year-old wife Tamsen and five daughters ranging
in age from three to 13. Donner's older brother Jacob also joined the
party, with his wife, two teenage stepsons, and five children, the
eldest of them nine.
[16]
James F. Reed
was a wealthy Irish immigrant who settled in Illinois in 1831. His wife
Margret, daughters Patty and Virginia, sons James and Thomas, and his
mother-in-law Sarah Keyes traveled with him. Keyes was in the advanced
stages of
tuberculosis,
[17] and died on May 28; she was buried by the side of the trail.
[18] The Reeds had hoped that the climate in the West would help Margret, who had long been sickly.
[19]
Reed had built an ornate, custom-designed, and unusually large wagon
for his family, which Virginia later described as the "Pioneer palace
car", likening it to the railroad "palace cars", or luxury carriages.
[20]
Equipped with spring seats and a stove, it took eight oxen to pull it.
They were accompanied by several young men hired to drive the oxen, and a
hired girl.
[19]
Within a week of leaving Independence, the Reeds and Donners joined
up with a group of 50 wagons nominally led by William H. Russell.
[14] By June 16, the company had traveled 450 miles (720 km), with 200 miles (320 km) to go before
Fort Laramie, Wyoming.
They had been delayed by rain and a rising river, but Tamsen Donner
wrote to a friend in Springfield, "indeed, if I do not experience
something far worse than I have yet done, I shall say the trouble is all
in getting started."
[21][B] Young Virginia Reed recalled years later that during the first part of the trip she was "perfectly happy".
[22]
Several other families joined the wagon train along the way. Levinah
Murphy, a widow, headed a family of 13, including her five adolescent
children and two married daughters with their families. The Eddy family
was headed by a young man with a wife and small child. Patrick Breen
brought along his wife Peggy and seven children, all but the youngest of
whom were boys. A 40-year-old bachelor named Patrick Dolan camped with
the Breens, and a general animal handler named Antonio also came along.
[23][24] Lewis Keseberg, a German immigrant, joined with his wife and daughter; a son was born on the trail.
[13]
Two young single men named Spitzer and Reinhardt traveled with another
German couple, the Wolfingers, who also had a hired driver, "Dutch
Charley" Burger. An older man, a Belgian immigrant named Hardkoop, rode
with them. Luke Halloran, a young man who seemed to get sicker with
tuberculosis every day, was passed from family to family, as none could
spare the time or resources to care for him.
[25]
To promote his new route, Hastings sent riders to deliver letters to
traveling emigrants. On July 12, the Reeds and Donners were given one of
these letters.
[26]
Hastings warned the emigrants that they could expect opposition from
the Mexican authorities in California, and advised them therefore to
band together in large groups. He also claimed to have "worked out a new
and better road to California", and said he would be waiting at Fort
Bridger to guide the emigrants along the new cutoff.
[27]
At the Little Sandy River, the larger wagon train opted to follow the established trail via
Fort Hall.
A smaller group, which opted to head for Fort Bridger, now needed a
leader. Most of the younger males in the group were European immigrants
and not considered to be ideal leaders. James Reed, who had been living
in the U.S. for a considerable time, was older and had military
experience, but his autocratic attitude had rubbed many in the party the
wrong way, and they saw him as aristocratic, imperious, and
ostentatious.
[28]
By comparison, the mature, experienced, American-born Donner's peaceful
and charitable nature made him the group's first choice.
[29]
Edwin Bryant, a journalist, reached Blacks Fork a week ahead of the
Donner Party. He saw the first part of the trail, and was concerned that
it would be difficult for the wagons in the Donner group, especially
with so many women and children. He returned to Blacks Fork to leave
letters warning several members of the group not to take the shortcut.
[30]
By the time the Donner Party reached Blacks Fork on July 27 Hastings
had already left, leading the 40 wagons of the Harlan-Young group.
[27] Jim Bridger, whose trading post would fare substantially better if people used the
Hastings Cutoff,
told the party that the shortcut was a smooth trip, devoid of rugged
country and hostile Indians, and would therefore shorten their journey
by 350 miles (560 km). Water would be easy to find along the way,
although a couple of days crossing a 30–40-mile (48–64 km) dry lake bed
would be necessary. Reed was very impressed with this information, and
advocated for the Hastings Cutoff. None of the party received Bryant's
letters warning them to avoid Hastings' route at all costs; in his diary
account, Bryant states his conviction that Bridger deliberately
concealed the letters, a view shared by Reed in his later testimony.
[27][31][C]
Hastings' route
Wasatch Mountains

The members of the party were comfortably well off by contemporary standards.
[12]
Although they are called pioneers, all but a few lacked specific skills
and experience for traveling through mountains and arid land, and had
little knowledge about how to deal with Native Americans.
[32]
Tamsen Donner was, according to fellow emigrant J. Quinn Thornton,
"gloomy, sad, and dispirited" at the thought of turning off the main
trail on the advice of Hastings, whom she considered "a selfish
adventurer".
[33]
Nevertheless, on July 31, 1846, the party left Blacks Fork after four
days of rest and wagon repairs, eleven days behind the leading
Harlan-Young group. Donner hired a replacement driver, and the company
was joined by the McCutchen family, a young couple with a baby, and a
16-year-old named Jean Baptiste Trudeau from New Mexico, who claimed to
have knowledge of the Indians and terrain on the way to California.
[34]
The party turned south to follow Hastings' cutoff. Within days they
found the terrain to be much more difficult than described, and the
drivers were forced to lock the wheels of their wagons to prevent them
from sliding down steep inclines. Several years of migrant traffic on
the main
Oregon Trail
had left an easy and obvious path, whereas the Cutoff was more
difficult to find. Hastings wrote directions and left letters stuck to
trees. On August 6, the party found a letter from Hastings, advising
them to stop until he could show them an alternative route to that taken
by the Harlan-Young Party.
[D]
Reed, Charles Stanton, and William Pike rode ahead to get Hastings.
They encountered exceedingly difficult canyons where boulders had to be
moved and walls cut off precariously to a river below, a route likely to
break wagons. Although Hastings had offered in his letter to guide the
Donner Party around the more difficult areas, he rode back only partway,
indicating the general direction to follow.
[35][36]
Stanton and Pike stopped to rest, and Reed returned alone to the
group, arriving four days after the party's departure. Without the guide
they had been promised, the group had to decide whether to turn back
and rejoin the traditional trail, follow the tracks left by the
Harlan-Young Party through the difficult terrain of
Weber Canyon, or forge their own trail in the direction Hastings had recommended. At Reed's urging, the group chose the new Hastings route.
[37]
Their progress slowed to about a mile and a half (2.4 km) a day, and
all the able-bodied men were required to clear brush, fell trees, and
heave rocks to make room for the wagons.
[E]
As the Donner Party made its way across the
Wasatch Mountains,
they were caught up by the Graves family, who had set off to find them.
The Graveses were an older couple with nine children, plus a
son-in-law, and a teamster named John Snyder, traveling together in
three wagons. Their arrival brought the Donner Party to 87 members in
60–80 wagons.
[38]
The Graves family had been part of the last group to leave Missouri,
confirming that the Donner Party was at the rear of the year's western
exodus.
[39]
By the time they had reached a point in the mountains where they could look down and see the
Great Salt Lake,
it was August 20. It took almost another two weeks to travel out of the
Wasatch Mountains. The men began to argue, and doubts were expressed
about the wisdom of those who had chosen this route, in particular James
Reed. Food and supplies for some of the less affluent families began to
run out. Stanton and Pike, who had ridden out with Reed, had become
lost on their way back; by the time the party found them, they were a
day away from eating their horses.
[40]
Great Salt Lake Desert

Luke Halloran died of tuberculosis on August 25. A few days later the
party came across a torn and tattered letter from Hastings. The pieces
indicated that there were two days and nights of difficult travel ahead
without grass or water. The party rested their oxen and prepared for the
trip.
[41]
After 36 hours they set off to traverse a 1,000-foot (300 m) mountain
that lay in their path. From its peak, they saw ahead of them a dry,
barren plain, perfectly flat and covered with white salt, larger than
the one they had just crossed,
[42] and "one of the most inhospitable places on earth" according to Rarick.
[9] Their oxen were already fatigued and their water was nearly gone.
[42]
On August 30, having no alternative, the party pressed on. In the
heat of the day, the moisture underneath the salt crust rose to the
surface and turned the soil to a gummy mass. The wheels of their wagons
sank into it, in some cases up to the hubs. The days were blisteringly
hot and the nights frigid. Several of the group saw visions of lakes and
wagon trains, and believed they had finally overtaken Hastings. After
three days, the water was gone, and some of the party removed their oxen
from the wagons to press ahead to find more. Some of the animals were
so weakened they were left yoked to the wagons and abandoned. Nine of
Reed's ten oxen, crazed with thirst, broke free and bolted off into the
desert. Many other families' cattle and horses had also gone missing.
The rigors of the journey resulted in irreparable damage to some of the
wagons, but no human lives had been lost. Instead of the promised two
days journey over 40 miles, the journey across the 80 miles of
Great Salt Lake Desert had taken six.
[43][44][F]
None of the party had any remaining faith in the Hastings Cutoff as
they recovered at the springs on the other side of the desert.
[G]
They spent several days trying to recover cattle, retrieve the wagons
left in the desert, and transfer their food and supplies to other
wagons.
[H]
Although his family incurred the heaviest losses, Reed became more
assertive, and asked all the families to submit an inventory of their
goods and food to him. He suggested two men go to
Sutter's Fort in California; he had heard that
John Sutter
was exceedingly generous to wayward pioneers, and could assist them
with extra provisions. Charles Stanton and William McCutchen volunteered
to undertake the dangerous trip.
[45]
The remaining serviceable wagons were pulled by mongrel teams of cows,
oxen, and mules. It was the middle of September, and two young men who
went in search of missing oxen reported another 40-mile (64 km) long
stretch of
desert lay ahead.
[46]
Reed banished
Their cattle and oxen now exhausted and lean, the Donner Party
crossed the next stretch of desert relatively unscathed, and the journey
seemed to get easier, particularly through the valley next to the
Ruby Mountains.
Despite their near hatred of Hastings, they had no choice but to follow
his tracks, which were weeks old. On September 26, two months after
embarking on the cutoff, the Donner Party rejoined the traditional trail
along a stream that became known as the
Humboldt River. The shortcut had probably delayed them by a month.
[47][48]
Along the Humboldt the group met
Paiute
Indians, who joined them for a couple of days, but stole or shot
several oxen and horses. By now it was well into October, and the Donner
families split off to make better time. Two wagons in the remaining
group became tangled, and John Snyder angrily beat the ox of Reed's
hired teamster, Milt Elliott. When Reed intervened, Snyder turned the
whip on him. Reed retaliated by fatally plunging a knife under Snyder's
collarbone.
[47][48]
That evening the witnesses gathered to discuss what was to be done;
United States laws were not applicable west of the Continental Divide
(in what was then Mexican territory) and wagon trains often dispensed
their own justice.
[49] But George Donner, the party's leader, was a full day ahead of the main wagon train with his family.
[50] Snyder had been seen to hit James Reed, and some claimed that he had also hit Margret Reed,
[51]
but Snyder was popular and Reed was not. Keseberg suggested that Reed
should be hanged, but an eventual compromise allowed Reed to leave the
camp without his family, who were to be taken care of by the others.
Reed departed alone the next morning, unarmed,
[52][53][54][I] but Virginia rode ahead and secretly provided him with a rifle and food.
[55]
Last advance
Disintegration

The trials the Donner Party had so far endured resulted in splintered
groups, each looking out for themselves and distrustful of the others.
[56][57] Grass was becoming scarce, and the animals were steadily weakening. To relieve the load, everyone was expected to walk.
[58]
Keseberg ejected Hardkoop from his wagon, telling the elderly man he
had to walk or die. A few days later Hardkoop sat next to a stream, his
feet so swollen they split open, and he was not seen again. William Eddy
pleaded with the others to find Hardkoop, but they all refused,
swearing they would waste no more resources on a man who was nearly 70
years old.
[59][60]
Meanwhile Reed caught up with the Donners and went on with one of his
teamsters, Walter Herron. Although the two shared a horse, they were
able to cover 25–40 miles (40–64 km) per day.
[61]
The rest of the party rejoined the Donners, but their bad luck
continued. Indians chased away all of Graves' horses and another wagon
was left behind. With grass in short supply the cattle spread out more,
which allowed the Paiutes to steal 18 more during one evening, and
several mornings later, shoot another 21.
[62]
So far the company had lost nearly 100 oxen and cattle, and their
rations were almost completely depleted. One more stretch of desert lay
ahead. The Eddys' oxen had been killed by Indians and they were forced
to abandon their wagon. The family had eaten all their stores, but the
other families refused to assist their children. The Eddys were forced
to walk, carrying their children and miserable with thirst. Margret Reed
and her children were also now without a wagon.
[63][64] The desert soon came to an end, however, and the party found the
Truckee River in beautiful lush country.
[64]
They had little time to rest, and the company pressed on to cross the
mountains before the snows came. Stanton, one of the two-man party who
had left a month earlier to seek assistance in California, found the
company and brought mules, food, and two Miwok Indians named Luis and
Salvador.
[J]
He also brought news that Reed and Herron, although haggard and
starving, had succeeded in reaching Sutter's Fort, in California.
[65][66]
By this point, according to Rarick, "To the bedraggled, half-starved
members of the Donner Party, it must have seemed that the worst of their
problems had passed. They had already endured more than many emigrants
ever did."
[67]
Snowbound

Faced with one last push over mountains that were described as much
worse than the Wasatch, the ragtag company had to decide whether to
forge ahead or rest their cattle. It was October 20 and they had been
told that the pass would not be snowed in until the middle of November.
William Pike was killed when a gun being loaded by William Foster
discharged negligently,
[68]
an event that seemed to make the decision for them; family by family,
they resumed their journey, first the Breens, then Kesebergs, Stanton
with the Reeds, Graveses, and Murphys. The Donners waited and traveled
last. After a few miles of rough terrain, an axle broke on one of the
Donners' wagons. Jacob and George went into the woods to fashion a
replacement. George Donner sliced his hand open while chiseling the
wood, but it seemed a superficial wound.
[69]
Snow began to fall. The Breens made it up the "massive, nearly
vertical slope" 1,000 feet (300 m) to Truckee Lake, 3 miles (4.8 km)
from the summit, and camped near a cabin that had been built two years
earlier by another group of pioneers.
[70][K]
The Eddys and Kesebergs joined the Breens, attempting to make it over
the pass, but they found 5–10-foot (1.5–3.0 m) drifts of snow, and were
unable to locate the trail. They turned back for Truckee Lake and within
a day all the families were camped there except for the Donners, who
were 5 miles (8.0 km) – half a day's journey – below them. On the
evening of November 4, it began to snow again.
[71]
Winter camp
Reed attempts a rescue

James Reed was safe and recovering in Sutter's Fort, but each day he
became more concerned for the fate of his family and friends. He pleaded
with Colonel
John C. Frémont
to gather a team of men to cross the pass and help the company, in
return for which Reed promised he would join Frémont's forces and fight
in the
Mexican-American War.
[72]
Reed was joined by McCutchen, who had been unable to return with
Stanton, as well as some members of the Harlan-Young party. Their wagon
train had arrived at Sutter's Fort on October 8, the last to make it
over the Sierra Nevada that season.
[73]
The party of roughly 30 horses and a dozen men carried food supplies,
and expected to find the Donner Party on the western side of the
mountain, near
Bear Valley,
starving but alive. When they arrived in Bear Valley they found only a
pioneer couple, immigrants who had been separated from their company and
were near starvation.
[74][75]
Two guides deserted Reed and McCutchen with some of their horses, but
they pressed on to Yuba Bottoms, walking the last mile on foot. On
possibly the same day that the Breens attempted to lead one last effort
to crest the pass, Reed and McCutchen stood looking at the other side
only 12 miles (19 km) from the top, blocked by snow. Despondent, they
turned back to Sutter's Fort.
[76]
At Truckee Lake, 60 members and associates of the Breen, Graves,
Reed, Murphy, Keseberg, and Eddy families set up for the winter. Three
widely separated cabins of pine logs, with dirt floors and poorly
constructed flat roofs that leaked when it rained, served as their
homes. The Breens occupied one cabin, the Eddys and Murphys another, and
Reeds and Graveses the third. Keseberg built a
lean-to
for his family against the side of the Breen cabin. The families used
canvas or oxhide to patch the faulty roofs. The cabins had no windows or
doors, only large holes to allow entry. Of the 60 at Truckee Lake, 19
were men over 18, 12 were women and 29 were children, 6 of whom were
toddlers or younger. Farther down the trail, close to Alder Creek, the
Donner families hastily constructed tents to house 21 people, including
Mrs. Wolfinger, her child, and the Donners' drivers: 6 men, 3 women, and
12 children in all.
[77][78]
Very little food remained. The oxen began to die of starvation and
their carcasses were frozen and stacked. Although Truckee Lake was not
yet frozen, the pioneers were unfamiliar with catching lake trout. Eddy,
the most experienced hunter, killed a bear, but had little luck after
that. The Reed and Eddy families had lost almost everything and Margret
Reed promised to pay double when they got to California for the use of
three oxen from the Graves and Breen families. Graves charged Eddy
$25—normally the cost of two healthy oxen—for the carcass of an ox that
had starved to death.
[79][80]
"The Forlorn Hope"
Desperation grew in camp and some reasoned that individuals might
succeed in navigating the pass where the wagons could not. In small
groups they made several attempts, but each time returned defeated.
Another severe storm, lasting more than a week, covered the area so
deeply that the cattle and horses—their only remaining food—died and
were lost in the snow.
[82]
The mountain party at Truckee Lake began to fall. Spitzer, then
Baylis Williams (a driver for the Reeds) died, more from malnutrition
than starvation. Franklin Graves fashioned 14 pairs of
snowshoes out of oxbows and hide. A party of 17 men, women, and children set out on foot in an attempt to cross the mountain pass.
[83]
As evidence of how grim their choices were, four of the men were
fathers, and three of the women mothers who gave their young children to
other women. They packed lightly, taking what had become six days'
rations, a rifle, a blanket each, a hatchet, and some pistols, hoping to
make their way to Bear Valley.
[84]
Historian Charles McGlashan later called this snowshoe party "The Forlorn Hope".
[85] Two of those without snowshoes, Charles Burger and 10-year-old William Murphy, turned back early on.
[86]
Other members of the party fashioned a pair of snowshoes for Lemuel on
the first evening from one of the packsaddles they were carrying.
[86]

The snowshoes proved to be awkward but effective on the arduous
climb. The members of the party were neither well-nourished nor
accustomed to camping in snow 12 feet (3.7 m) deep, and by the third day
most were
snowblind.
On the sixth day Eddy discovered that his wife had hidden a half-pound
of bear meat in his pack. When the group set out that morning, December
21, Stanton, who had been straggling for several days, remained behind,
saying that he would follow shortly; his remains were found in that
location the following year.
[87][88]
The group became lost and confused. After two more days without food,
Patrick Dolan proposed that one of them should volunteer to die, to
feed the others. Some suggested a duel, while another account describes
an attempt to create a lottery to choose a member to sacrifice.
[88][89]
Eddy suggested they keep moving until someone simply fell, but a
blizzard forced the group to halt. Antonio, the animal handler, was the
first to die; Franklin Graves was the next casualty.
[90][91]
As the blizzard progressed, Patrick Dolan
began to rant deliriously, stripped off his clothes and ran into the woods.
He returned shortly afterwards and died a few hours later. Not long
after, possibly because 12-year-old Lemuel Murphy was near death, some
of the group began to eat flesh from Dolan's body. Lemuel's sister tried
to feed some to her brother, but he died shortly afterwards. Eddy,
Salvador and Luis refused to eat. The next morning the group stripped
the muscle and organs from the bodies of Antonio, Dolan, Graves, and
Murphy and dried it to store for the days ahead, taking care to ensure
that nobody would have to eat his or her relatives.
[92][93]
After three days rest they set off again, searching for the trail.
Eddy eventually succumbed to his hunger and ate human flesh, but that
was soon gone. They began to take apart their snowshoes to eat the
oxhide webbing, and discussed killing Luis and Salvador for food; after
Eddy warned the Indians they quietly left.
[94]
During the night Jay Fosdick died, leaving only seven members of the
party. Eddy and Mary Graves left to hunt, but when they returned with
deer meat, Fosdick's body had already been cut apart for food.
[95][96]
After several more days—25 since they had left Truckee Lake—they came
across Salvador and Luis, who had not eaten for about nine days and were
close to death. William Foster, believing the flesh of the Indians was
the group's last hope of avoiding imminent death from starvation, shot
the pair.
[97]
On January 12, the group stumbled into a
Miwok camp looking so deteriorated that the Indians initially fled. The Miwoks gave them what they had to eat: acorns, grass, and
pine nuts.
[97]
After a few days, Eddy continued on with the help of a Miwok to a ranch
in a small farming community at the edge of the Sacramento Valley.
[98][99]
A hurriedly assembled rescue party found the other six survivors on
January 17. Their journey from Truckee Lake had taken 33 days.
[95][100]
Truckee Lake

Patrick Breen began keeping a diary in November, a few days before
the snowshoe party left. He primarily concerned himself with the
weather, marking the storms and how much snow had fallen, but gradually
began to include references to God and religion in his entries.
[101]
Life at Truckee Lake was miserable. The cabins were cramped and filthy,
and it snowed so much that people were unable to go outdoors for days.
Diets soon consisted of oxhide, strips of which were boiled to make a
"disagreeable" glue-like jelly. Ox and horse bones were boiled
repeatedly to make soup, and became so brittle they would crumble upon
chewing. Sometimes they were softened by being charred and eaten. Bit by
bit, the Murphy children picked apart the oxhide rug that lay in front
of their fireplace, roasted it in the fire and ate it.
[102]
After the departure of the snowshoe party, two-thirds of the emigrants
at Truckee Lake were children. Mrs. Graves was in charge of eight, and
Levinah Murphy and Eleanor Eddy together took care of nine.
[103]
Emigrants caught and ate mice that strayed into their cabins. Many of
the people at Truckee Lake were soon weakened and spent most of their
time in bed. Occasionally one would be able to make the full day trek to
see the Donners. News came that Jacob Donner and three hired men had
died. One of them, Reinhardt, confessed on his death bed that he had
murdered Wolfinger.
[104] George Donner's hand had become infected, which left four men to work at the Donner camp.
[105]
Margret Reed had managed to save enough food for a Christmas pot of
soup, to the delight of her children, but by January they were facing
starvation and considered eating the oxhides that served as their roof.
Margret Reed, Virginia, Milt Elliott and the servant girl Eliza Williams
attempted to walk out, reasoning that it would be better to try to
bring food back than sit and watch the children starve. They were gone
for four days in the snow before they had to turn back. Their cabin was
now uninhabitable; the oxhide-roof served as their food supply, and the
family moved in with the Breens. The servants went to live with other
families. One day the Graveses came by to collect on the debt owed by
the Reeds and took the oxhides which were all the family had to eat.
[106][107]
Rescue
Much of the military in California, and with them the able-bodied men, were engaged in the
Mexican-American War.
Throughout the region roads were blocked, communications compromised,
and supplies unavailable. Only three men responded to a call for
volunteers to rescue the Donner Party. Reed was laid over in
San Jose
until February because of regional uprisings and general confusion. He
spent that time speaking with other pioneers and acquaintances, and the
people of San Jose responded by creating a petition to appeal to the
U.S. Navy to assist the people at Truckee Lake. Two local newspapers
reported that members of the snowshoe party had resorted to cannibalism,
which helped to foster sympathy for those who were still trapped. In
Yerba Buena,
residents, many recent emigrants, raised $1,300 ($30,000 as of 2010)
and organized relief efforts to build two camps to supply a rescue party
for the refugees.
[108][109]
A rescue party, including William Eddy, started on February 4 from
the Sacramento Valley. Rain and a swollen river forced several delays.
Eddy stationed himself at Bear Valley, while the others made steady
progress through the snow and storms to cross the pass to Truckee Lake,
caching their food at stations along the way, so they did not have to
carry it all. Three of the rescue party turned back, but seven forged
on.
[110][111]
First relief
On February 18, the seven-man rescue party scaled Frémont Pass; as
they neared where Eddy told them the cabins would be, they began to
shout. Mrs. Murphy appeared from a hole in the snow, stared at them and
asked, "Are you men from California, or do you come from heaven?"
[112]
The relief party doled out food in small portions, concerned that if
the emaciated emigrants overate it would kill them. All the cabins were
buried in snow. Sodden oxhide roofs had begun to rot and the smell was
overpowering. The bodies of the dead had been loosely buried in snow
near the cabin roofs. Some of the emigrants seemed emotionally unstable.
Three of the rescue party trekked to the Donners and brought back four
gaunt children and two adults. Leanna Donner had particular difficulty
walking up the steep incline from Alder Creek to Truckee Lake, later
writing "such pain and misery as I endured that day is beyond
description."
[113] George Donner's arm was so
gangrenous
that he could not move, but no one at Alder Creek had died since the
last visit. Twenty-three people were chosen to go with the rescue party,
leaving seventeen in the cabins at Truckee Lake and twelve at Alder
Creek.
[114][115]
The rescuers concealed the fate of the snowshoe party, informing the
rescued emigrants only that they did not return because they were
frostbitten.
[116]
Patty and Tommy Reed were soon too weak to cross the snowdrifts, and no
one was strong enough to carry them. Margret Reed faced the agonizing
predicament of accompanying her two older children to Bear Valley and
watching her two frailest be taken back to Truckee Lake without a
parent. She made one of the rescuers, Aquilla Glover, swear on his honor
as a
Mason that he would return for her children. Patty Reed told her, "Well, mother, if you never see me again, do the best you can."
[117][118]
Upon their return to the lake, the Breens flatly refused them entry to
their cabin, but after Glover left more food the children were
grudgingly admitted. The rescue party was dismayed to find that the
first cache station had been broken into by animals, leaving them
without food for four days. After struggling on the walk over the pass,
John Denton slipped into a coma and died. Ada Keseberg died soon
afterwards; her mother was inconsolable, refusing to let the child's
body go. After several days' more travel through difficult country, the
rescuers grew very concerned that the children would not survive. Some
of them ate the buckskin fringe from one of the rescuer's pants, and the
shoelaces of another, to the relief party's surprise. On their way down
from the mountains they met the next rescue party, which included James
Reed. Upon hearing his voice, Margret sank into the snow, overwhelmed.
[119][120]
After these rescued emigrants made it safely into Bear Valley,
William Hook, Jacob Donner's stepson, broke into food stores and fatally
gorged himself. The others continued on to Sutter's Fort, where
Virginia Reed wrote "I really thought I had stepped over into paradise".
She was amused to note that although she was only 12 years old and
recovering from starvation, one of the young men asked her to marry him,
[121][122] but she turned him down.
[123]
Second relief
On March 1, a second relief party arrived at Truckee Lake. These
rescuers were mostly experienced mountaineers who accompanied the return
of Reed and McCutchen. Reed was reunited with his daughter Patty and
his weakened son Tommy. An inspection of the Breen cabin found its
occupants relatively well, but the Murphy cabin, according to author
George Stewart, "passed the limits of description and almost of
imagination". Levinah Murphy, who was caring for her eight-year-old son
Simon and the two young children of William Eddy and Foster, had
deteriorated mentally and was nearly blind. The children were listless
and had not been cleaned in days. Lewis Keseberg had moved into the
cabin and could barely move due to an injured leg.
[124]
No one at Truckee Lake had died during the interim between the
departure of the first relief party and the arrival of the second relief
party. Patrick Breen documented a disturbing visit in the last week of
February from Mrs. Murphy, who said her family was considering eating
Milt Elliott. Reed and McCutchen found Elliott's mutilated body.
[125]
The Alder Creek camp fared no better. The first two members of the
relief party to reach it saw Trudeau carrying a human leg. When they
made their presence known, he threw it into a hole in the snow that
contained the mostly dismembered body of Jacob Donner. Inside the tent,
Elizabeth Donner refused to eat, although her children were being
nourished by the organs of their father.
[126]
The rescuers discovered that three other bodies had already been
consumed. In the other tent, Tamsen Donner was well, but George was very
ill because the infection had reached his shoulder.
[127]
The second relief evacuated 17 emigrants, only three of whom were
adults, from Truckee Lake. Both the Breen and Graves families prepared
to go. Only five people remained at Truckee Lake: Keseberg, Mrs. Murphy
and her son Simon, and the young Eddy and Foster children. Tamsen Donner
elected to stay with her ailing husband after Reed informed her that a
third relief party would arrive soon. Mrs. Donner kept her daughters
Eliza, Georgia, and Frances with her.
[128]
The walk back to Bear Valley was very slow; at one point Reed sent
ahead two of the men to retrieve the first cache of food, expecting the
third relief, a small party led by
Selim E. Woodworth,
to come at any moment. A violent blizzard arose after they scaled the
pass. Five-year-old Isaac Donner froze to death, and Reed nearly died.
Mary Donner's feet were badly burned because they were so frostbitten
that she did not realize she was sleeping with them in the fire. When
the storm passed, the Breen and Graves families, not having eaten for
days, were too apathetic and exhausted to get up and move. The relief
party had no choice but to leave without them.
[129][130][131]
Three members of the relief party stayed, one at Truckee Lake and two
at Alder Creek. When one, Nicholas Clark, went hunting, the other two,
Charles Cady and Charles Stone, made plans to return to California.
Tamsen Donner arranged for them to carry three of her children to
California, perhaps, according to Stewart, for $500 cash. Cady and Stone
took the children to Truckee Lake but then left, alone, overtaking Reed
and the others within days.
[132][133]
Several days later, Clark and Trudeau agreed to leave together. When
they discovered the Donner girls at Truckee Lake, they returned to Alder
Creek to inform Tamsen Donner.
[134]
William Foster and William Eddy, both survivors of the snowshoe
party, started from Bear Valley to intercept Reed, taking with them a
man named John Stark. After one day, they met Reed, helping his
children, all frostbitten and bleeding, but alive. Desperate to rescue
their own children, Foster and Eddy persuaded four men, with pleading
and money, to return to Truckee Lake with them. Halfway there they found
the crudely mutilated and eaten remains of two children and Mrs.
Graves, with one-year-old Elizabeth Graves crying beside her mother's
body.
[135]
Eleven survivors were huddled around a fire that had sunk into a pit.
The relief party split, with Foster, Eddy, and two others headed toward
Truckee Lake. Two rescuers, hoping to save the healthiest, each took a
child and left. John Stark refused to leave the others. Stark picked up
two children and all the provisions, and assisted the nine remaining
Breens and Graveses to Bear Valley.
[136][137][138]
Third relief

Foster and Eddy finally arrived at Truckee Lake on March 14, where
they found their children dead. Keseberg told Eddy that he had eaten the
remains of Eddy's son, and Eddy swore to murder Keseberg if they ever
met in California.
[140]
George Donner and one of Jacob Donner's children were still alive at
Alder Creek. Tamsen Donner, who had just arrived at the Murphy cabin,
could have walked out alone, but chose to return to her husband although
she was informed that no other relief party was likely to be coming
soon. Foster and Eddy and the rest of the third relief left with four
children, Trudeau, and Clark.
[141][142]
Two more relief parties were mustered to evacuate any adults who
might still be alive. Both turned back before getting to Bear Valley,
and no further attempts were made. On April 10, almost a month since the
third relief had left Truckee Lake, the
alcalde
near Sutter's Fort organized a salvage party to recover what they could
of the Donners' belongings. The belongings would be sold, with part of
the proceeds used to support the orphaned Donner children. The salvage
party found the Alder Creek tents empty except for the body of George
Donner, who had died only days earlier. On their way back to Truckee
Lake, they found Lewis Keseberg alive. According to him, Mrs. Murphy had
died a week after the departure of the third relief. Some weeks later,
Tamsen Donner had arrived at his cabin on her way over the pass, soaked
and visibly upset. Keseberg said he put a blanket around her and told
her to start out in the morning, but she died during the night. The
salvage party were suspicious of Keseberg's story, and found a pot full
of human flesh in the cabin along with George Donner's pistols, jewelry,
and $250 in gold. They threatened to lynch Keseberg, who confessed that
he had cached $273 of the Donners' money, at Tamsen's suggestion, so
that it could one day benefit her children.
[143][144] On April 29, 1847 Keseberg was the last member of the Donner Party to arrive at Sutter's Fort.
Response

News of the Donner Party's fate was spread eastward by
Samuel Brannan, an elder of
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and journalist, who encountered the salvage party as they came down from the pass with Keseberg.
[146]
Accounts of the ordeal first reached New York City by sea in July 1847.
Reporting on the event across the U.S. was heavily influenced by the
national enthusiasm for westward migration. In some papers, news of the
tragedy was buried in small paragraphs despite the contemporary tendency
to sensationalize stories. Several newspapers, including those in
California, wrote about the cannibalism in graphic exaggerated detail.
[147]
In some print accounts, the members of the Donner Party were depicted
as heroes, and California a paradise worthy of significant sacrifices.
[148]
Emigration to the west decreased over the following years, but it is
likely that the drop in numbers was caused more by fears over the
outcome of the ongoing Mexican-American War than by the cautionary tale
of the Donner Party.
[147] In 1846, an estimated 1,500 people migrated to California. In 1847 the number dropped to 450 and to 400 in 1848. The
California Gold Rush spurred a sharp increase however, and in 1849, 25,000 people went west.
[149] Most of the overland migration followed the
Carson River, but a few
forty-niners used the same route as the Donner Party and recorded descriptions about the site.
[150] The areas inhabited by the party were so notorious that they became known as
Donner Pass,
Donner Lake, and
Donner Peak.
In late June 1847 members of the
Mormon Battalion under General
Steven Kearny buried the human remains, and partially burned two of the cabins.
[151]
The few who ventured over the pass in the next few years found bones,
other artifacts, and the cabin used by the Reed and Graves families. In
1891 a cache of money was found buried by the lake. It had probably been
stored by Mrs. Graves, who hastily hid it when she left with the second
relief so that she could return for it later.
[152][153]
Lansford Hastings received death threats. An emigrant who crossed
before the Donner Party confronted Hastings about the difficulties they
had encountered, reporting "Of course he could say nothing but that he
was very sorry, and that he meant well".
[154]
Survivors
Of the 87 people who entered the Wasatch Mountains, 48 survived. Only
the Reed and Breen families remained intact. The children of Jacob
Donner, George Donner, and Franklin Graves were orphaned. William Eddy
was alone and most of the Murphy family had died. Only three mules
reached California; the remaining animals perished. Most of the Donner
Party members' possessions were discarded.
[155]
A few of the widowed women remarried within months; brides were scarce in California. The Reeds settled in
San Jose
and two of the Donner children lived with them. Reed fared well in the
California Gold Rush and became prosperous. Virginia, with editorial
oversight from her father, wrote an extensive letter to her cousin in
Illinois about "our trubels getting to Callifornia". Journalist Edwin
Bryant carried it back in June 1847, and it was printed in its entirety,
with some editorial alterations, in the
Illinois Journal on December 16, 1847.
[156]
Virginia converted to Catholicism in fulfillment of a promise she had
made to herself while observing Patrick Breen pray in his cabin. The
Murphy survivors lived in
Marysville. The Breens made their way to
San Juan Bautista[157]
where they operated an inn and became the anonymous subjects of one
writer's story about his severe discomfort upon learning he was staying
with alleged cannibals, printed in
Harper's Magazine in 1862. Many of the survivors encountered similar reactions.
[158]
George and Tamsen Donner's children were taken in by an older couple
near Sutter's Fort. The youngest of the Donner children, Eliza, who was
three years old during the winter of 1846–1847, published an account of
the Donner Party in 1911, based on printed accounts and those of her
sisters.
[159]
The Breen's youngest daughter Isabella, who was one year old during the
winter of 1846–1847, was the last survivor of the Donner Party. She
died in 1935.
[160]
The Graves children lived varied lives. Mary Graves married early,
but her first husband was murdered; she cooked his killer's food while
he was in prison to ensure the condemned man did not starve before his
hanging. One of Mary's grandchildren noted she was very serious; Graves
once said, "I wish I could cry but I cannot. If I could forget the
tragedy, perhaps I would know how to cry again."
[162]
Mary's brother William did not settle down for any significant time.
Nancy Graves, who was nine years old during the winter of 1846–1847,
refused to acknowledge her involvement even when contacted by historians
interested in recording the most accurate versions of the episode;
Nancy was reportedly unable to recover from her role in the cannibalism
of her brother and mother.
[163]
Eddy remarried and started a family in California. He attempted to
follow through on his promise to murder Lewis Keseberg, but was
dissuaded by James Reed and Edwin Bryant. A year later, Eddy recollected
his experiences to J. Quinn Thornton, who, also using Reed's memories
of his experiences, wrote the earliest comprehensive documentation of
the episode.
[164] Eddy died in 1859.
Keseberg brought a defamation suit against several members of the
relief party who accused him of murdering Tamsen Donner. The court
awarded him $1 in damages, but also made him pay court costs. An 1847
story printed in the
California Star described Keseberg's
near-lynching by the salvage party and his actions in ghoulish terms,
reporting that he preferred eating human flesh to the cattle and horses
that had become exposed in the spring thaw. Charles McGlashan, a
historian, amassed enough material to indict Keseberg for the murder of
Tamsen Donner, but after interviewing Keseberg concluded that no murder
occurred. Eliza Donner Houghton also believed Keseberg to be innocent.
[165]
As Keseberg grew older, he did not venture outside, for he had become a
pariah and was often threatened. He told McGlashan "I often think that
the Almighty has singled me out, among all the men on the face of the
earth, in order to see how much hardship, suffering, and misery a human
being can bear!"
[166]
Legacy

Although the Donner Party episode was insignificant in light of the
hundreds of thousands of emigrants to Oregon and California, it has
served as the basis for numerous works of history, fiction, drama,
poetry, and film. The attention directed at the Donner Party is made
possible by reliable accounts of what occurred, according to Stewart,
and the fact that "the cannibalism, although it might almost be called a
minor episode, has become in the popular mind the chief fact to be
remembered about the Donner Party. For a taboo always allures with as
great strength as it repels".
[167]
The appeal according to Johnson, writing in 1996, is that the events
focused on families and ordinary people instead of rare individuals, and
that the events are "a dreadful irony that hopes of prosperity, health,
and a new life in California's fertile valleys led many only to misery,
hunger, and death on her stony threshold".
[168]
The site of the cabins became a tourist attraction as early as 1854.
[169]
In the 1880s, Charles McGlashan began promoting the idea of a monument
to mark the site of the Donner Party episode. He helped to acquire the
land for a monument, and in June 1918, the statue of a pioneer family
was placed on the spot where the Breen-Keseberg cabin was thought to
have been, dedicated to the Donner Party.
[170] It was made a California Historical Landmark in 1934.
[171]
The State of California created the
Donner Memorial State Park in 1927. It originally consisted of 11 acres (0.045 km
2) surrounding the monument. Twenty years later, the site of the Murphy cabin was purchased and added to the park.
[172]
In 1962, the Emigrant Trail Museum was added to tell the history of
westward migration into California. The Murphy cabin and Donner monument
were established as a
National Historic Landmark
in 1963. A large rock served as the back end of the fireplace of the
Murphy cabin, and a bronze plaque has been affixed to the rock listing
the members of the Donner Party, indicating who survived and who did
not. The State of California justifies memorializing the site because
the episode was "an isolated and tragic incident of American history
that has been transformed into a major folk epic".
[173] As of 2003, the park is estimated to receive 200,000 visitors a year.
[174]
Mortality
Although most historians count 87 members of the party, Stephen McCurdy in the
Western Journal of Medicine includes Sarah Keyes—Margret Reed's mother—and Luis and Salvador, bringing the number to 90.
[175]
Five people had already died before the party reached Truckee Lake: one
from tuberculosis (Halloran), three from trauma (Snyder, Wolfinger and
Pike), and one from exposure (Hardkoop). A further 34 died between
December 1846 and April 1847: 25 males and 9 females.
[176][N]
Several historians and other authorities have studied the mortalities
to determine what factors may affect survival in nutritionally deprived
individuals. Of the 15 members of the snowshoe party, 8 of the 10 men
who set out died (Stanton, Dolan, Graves, Murphy, Antonio, Fosdick, Luis
and Salvador), but all 5 of the women survived.
[177]
A professor at the University of Washington stated that the Donner
Party episode is a "case study of mediated natural selection in action".
[178]
The deaths at Truckee Lake, Alder Creek, and in the snowshoe party,
were probably caused by a combination of extended malnutrition,
overwork, and exposure to cold. Several members, such as George Donner,
became more susceptible to infection due to starvation,
[179]
but the three most significant factors in survival were age, sex, and
the size of family group each member traveled with. The survivors were
on average 7.5 years younger than those who died; children aged between 6
and 14 had a much higher survival rate than infants and children under
the age of 6, of whom 62.5 percent died, including the son born to the
Keseburgs on the trail, or adults over the age of 35. No adults over the
age of 49 survived. Deaths among males aged between 20 and 39 were
"extremely high" at more than 66 percent.
[176]
Men have been found to metabolize protein faster, and women do not
require as high a caloric intake. Women also store more body fat, which
delays the effects of physical degradation caused by starvation and
overwork. Men also tend to take on more dangerous tasks, and in this
particular instance, the men were required before reaching Truckee Lake
to clear brush and engage in heavy labor, adding to their physical
debilitation. Those traveling with family members had a higher survival
rate than bachelor males, possibly because family members more readily
shared food with each other.
[175][180]
Claims of cannibalism
Although some survivors disputed the accounts of cannibalism, Charles
McGlashan, who corresponded with many of the survivors over a 40-year
period, documented many recollections that it occurred. Some
correspondents were not forthcoming, approaching their participation
with shame, but others eventually spoke about it freely. McGlashan in
his 1879 book
History of the Donner Party declined to include
some of the more morbid details – such as the suffering of the children
and infants before death, or how Mrs. Murphy, according to Georgia
Donner, gave up, lay down on her bed and faced the wall when the last of
the children left in the third relief. He also neglected to mention any
of the cannibalism at Alder Creek.
[181][182]
The same year McGlashan's book was published, Georgia Donner wrote to
him to clarify some points, saying that human flesh was prepared for
people in both tents at Alder Creek, but to her recollection (she was
four years old during the winter of 1846–1847) it was given only to the
youngest children: "Father was crying and did not look at us the entire
time, and we little ones felt we could not help it. There was nothing
else." She also remembered that Elizabeth Donner, Jacob's wife,
announced one morning that she had cooked the arm of Samuel Shoemaker, a
25-year-old teamster.
[183]
Eliza Donner Houghton, in her 1911 account of the ordeal, did not
mention any cannibalism at Alder Creek. Archaeological findings at the
Alder Creek camp proved inconclusive for evidence of cannibalism.
[O][184]
Eliza Farnham's 1856 account of the Donner Party was based largely on
an interview with Margaret Breen. Her version details the ordeals of
the Graves and Breen families after James Reed and the second relief
left them in the snow pit. According to Farnham, seven-year-old Mary
Donner suggested to the others that they should eat Isaac Donner,
Franklin Graves, Jr., and Elizabeth Graves, because the Donners had
already begun eating the others at Alder Creek, including Mary's father
Jacob. Margaret Breen insisted that she and her family did not
cannibalize the dead, but Kristin Johnson, Ethan Rarick, and Joseph
King – whose account is sympathetic to the Breen family – do not
consider it credible that the Breens, who had been without food for nine
days, would have been able to survive without eating human flesh. King
suggests Farnham included this into her account independently of
Margaret Breen.
[185][186]
According to an account published by H. A. Wise in 1847, Jean Baptiste
Trudeau boasted of his own heroism, but also spoke in lurid detail of
eating Jacob Donner, and claimed he had eaten a baby raw.
[187]
Many years later, Trudeau met Eliza Donner Houghton and denied
cannibalizing anyone, which he reiterated in an interview with a St.
Louis newspaper in 1891, when he was 60 years old. Houghton and the
other Donner children were fond of Trudeau, and he of them, in spite of
their circumstances and the fact that he eventually left Tamsen Donner
alone. Author George Stewart considers Trudeau's accounting to Wise more
accurate than what he told Houghton in 1884, and asserted that he
deserted the Donners.
[188]
Kristin Johnson, however, attributes Trudeau's interview with Wise to
be a result of "common adolescent desires to be the center of attention
and to shock one's elders"; older, he reconsidered his story, so as not
to upset Houghton.
[189]
Historians Joseph King and Jack Steed call Stewart's characterization
of Trudeau's actions as desertion "extravagant moralism", particularly
because all members of the party were forced to make difficult choices.
[190]
Ethan Rarick echoed this by writing, "... more than the gleaming
heroism or sullied villainy, the Donner Party is a story of hard
decisions that were neither heroic nor villainous".
[191]