Monday, April 30, 2012

This day in History: Apr 30, 1945: Adolf Hitler commits suicide



On this day in 1945, holed up in a bunker under his headquarters in Berlin, Adolf Hitler commits suicide by swallowing a cyanide capsule and shooting himself in the head. Soon after, Germany unconditionally surrendered to the Allied forces, ending Hitler's dreams of a "1,000-year" Reich.

Since at least 1943, it was becoming increasingly clear that Germany would fold under the pressure of the Allied forces. In February of that year, the German 6th Army, lured deep into the Soviet Union, was annihilated at the Battle of Stalingrad, and German hopes for a sustained offensive on both fronts evaporated. Then, in June 1944, the Western Allied armies landed at Normandy, France, and began systematically to push the Germans back toward Berlin. By July 1944, several German military commanders acknowledged their imminent defeat and plotted to remove Hitler from power so as to negotiate a more favorable peace. Their attempts to assassinate Hitler failed, however, and in his reprisals, Hitler executed over 4,000 fellow countrymen.

In January 1945, facing a siege of Berlin by the Soviets, Hitler withdrew to his bunker to live out his final days. Located 55 feet under the chancellery, the shelter contained 18 rooms and was fully self-sufficient, with its own water and electrical supply. Though he was growing increasingly mad, Hitler continued to give orders and meet with such close subordinates as Hermann Goering, Heinrich Himmler and Josef Goebbels. He also married his long-time mistress Eva Braun just two days before his suicide.


In his last will and testament, Hitler appointed Admiral Karl Donitz as head of state and Goebbels as chancellor. He then retired to his private quarters with Braun, where he and Braun poisoned themselves and their dogs, before Hitler then also shot himself with his service pistol.

Hitler and Braun's bodies were hastily cremated in the chancellery garden, as Soviet forces closed in on the building. When the Soviets reached the chancellery, they removed Hitler's ashes, continually changing their location so as to prevent Hitler devotees from creating a memorial at his final resting place. Only eight days later, on May 8, 1945, the German forces issued an unconditional surrender, leaving Germany to be carved up by the four Allied powers.

Taken from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/adolf-hitler-commits-suicide

Friday, April 27, 2012

This Day in History: Apr 27, 4977 B.C.: Universe is created, according to Kepler



On this day in 4977 B.C., the universe is created, according to German mathematician and astronomer Johannes Kepler, considered a founder of modern science. Kepler is best known for his theories explaining the motion of planets.

Kepler was born on December 27, 1571, in Weil der Stadt, Germany. As a university student, he studied the Polish astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus' theories of planetary ordering. Copernicus (1473-1543) believed that the sun, not the earth, was the center of the solar system, a theory that contradicted the prevailing view of the era that the sun revolved around the earth.

In 1600, Kepler went to Prague to work for Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe, the imperial mathematician to Rudolf II, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Kepler's main project was to investigate the orbit of Mars. When Brahe died the following year, Kepler took over his job and inherited Brahe's extensive collection of astronomy data, which had been painstakingly observed by the naked eye. Over the next decade, Kepler learned about the work of Italian physicist and astronomer Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), who had invented a telescope with which he discovered lunar mountains and craters, the largest four satellites of Jupiter and the phases of Venus, among other things. Kepler corresponded with Galileo and eventually obtained a telescope of his own and improved upon the design. In 1609, Kepler published the first two of his three laws of planetary motion, which held that planets move around the sun in ellipses, not circles (as had been widely believed up to that time), and that planets speed up as they approach the sun and slow down as they move away. In 1619, he produced his third law, which used mathematic principles to relate the time a planet takes to orbit the sun to the average distance of the planet from the sun.

Kepler's research was slow to gain widespread traction during his lifetime, but it later served as a key influence on the English mathematician Sir Isaac Newton (1643-1727) and his law of gravitational force. Additionally, Kepler did important work in the fields of optics, including demonstrating how the human eye works, and math. He died on November 15, 1630, in Regensberg, Germany. As for Kepler's calculation about the universe's birthday, scientists in the 20th century developed the Big Bang theory, which showed that his calculations were off by about 13.7 billion years.

taken from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/universe-is-created-according-to-kepler 

Thursday, April 26, 2012

This Day in History: Apr 26, 1954: Polio vaccine trials begin




On this day in 1954, the Salk polio vaccine field trials, involving 1.8 million children, begin at the Franklin Sherman Elementary School in McLean, Virginia. Children in the United States, Canada and Finland participated in the trials, which used for the first time the now-standard double-blind method, whereby neither the patient nor attending doctor knew if the inoculation was the vaccine or a placebo. On April 12, 1955, researchers announced the vaccine was safe and effective and it quickly became a standard part of childhood immunizations in America. In the ensuing decades, polio vaccines would all but wipe out the highly contagious disease in the Western Hemisphere.
Polio, known officially as poliomyelitis, is an infectious disease that has existed since ancient times and is caused by a virus. It occurs most commonly in children and can result in paralysis. The disease reached epidemic proportions throughout the first half of the 20th century. During the 1940s and 1950s, polio was associated with the iron lung, a large metal tank designed to help polio victims suffering from respiratory paralysis breathe.

President Franklin Roosevelt was diagnosed with polio in 1921 at the age of 39 and was left paralyzed from the waist down and forced to use leg braces and a wheelchair for the rest of his life. In 1938, Roosevelt helped found the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, later renamed the March of Dimes. The organization was responsible for funding much of the research concerning the disease, including the Salk vaccine trials.

The man behind the original vaccine was New York-born physician and epidemiologist Jonas Salk (1914-95). Salk's work on an anti-influenza vaccine in the 1940s, while at the University of Michigan School of Public Health, led him, in 1952 at the University of Pittsburgh, to develop the inactivated polio vaccine (IPV), based on a killed-virus strain of the disease. The 1954 field trials that followed, the largest in U.S. history at the time, were led by Salk's former University of Michigan colleague, Dr. Thomas Francis, Jr.

In the late 1950s, Polish-born physician and virologist Albert Sabin (1906-1993) tested an oral polio vaccine (OPV) he had created from a weakened live virus. The vaccine, easier to administer and cheaper to produce than Salk's, became available for use in America in the early 1960s and eventually replaced Salk's as the vaccine of choice in most countries.

Today, polio has been eliminated throughout much of the world due to the vaccine; however, there is still no cure for the disease and it persists in a small number of countries in Africa and Asia.

Also on this day: Apr 26, 1865: Lincoln assassin John Wilkes Booth dies

John Wilkes Booth is killed when Union soldiers track him down to a Virginia farm 12 days after he assassinated President Abraham Lincoln.

Twenty-six-year-old Booth was one of the most famous actors in the country when he shot Lincoln during a performance at Ford's Theater in Washington, D.C., on the night of April 14. Booth was a Maryland native and a strong supporter of the Confederacy. As the war entered its final stages, Booth hatched a conspiracy to kidnap the president. He enlisted the aid of several associates, but the opportunity never presented itself. After the surrender of Robert E. Lee's Confederate army at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, on April 9, Booth changed the plan to a simultaneous assassination of Lincoln, Vice President Andrew Johnson, and Secretary of State William Seward. Only Lincoln was actually killed, however. Seward was stabbed by Lewis Paine but survived, while the man assigned to kill Johnson did not carry out his assignment.

After shooting Lincoln, Booth jumped to the stage below Lincoln's box seat. He landed hard, breaking his leg, before escaping to a waiting horse behind the theater. Many in the audience recognized Booth, so the army was soon hot on his trail. Booth and his accomplice, David Herold, made their way across the Anacostia River and headed toward southern Maryland. The pair stopped at Dr. Samuel Mudd's home, and Mudd treated Booth's leg. This earned Mudd a life sentence in prison when he was implicated as part of the conspiracy, but the sentence was later commuted. Booth found refuge for several days at the home of Thomas A. Jones, a Confederate agent, before securing a boat to row across the Potomac to Virginia.

After receiving aid from several Confederate sympathizers, Booth's luck finally ran out. The countryside was swarming with military units looking for Booth, although few shared information since there was a $20,000 reward. While staying at the farm of Richard Garrett, Federal troops arrived on their search but soon rode on. The unsuspecting Garrett allowed his suspicious guests to sleep in his barn, but he instructed his son to lock the barn from the outside to prevent the strangers from stealing his horses. A tip led the Union soldiers back to the Garrett farm, where they discovered Booth and Herold in the barn. Herold came out, but Booth refused. The building was set on fire to flush Booth, but he was shot while still inside. He lived for three hours before gazing at his hands, muttering "Useless, useless," as he died.

And: Apr 26, 1913: Girl murdered in pencil factory



Thirteen-year-old Mary Phagan is found sexually molested and murdered in the basement of the Atlanta, Georgia, pencil factory where she worked. Her murder later led to one of the most disgraceful episodes of bigotry, injustice, and mob violence in American history.

Next to Phagan's body were two small notes that purported to pin the crime on Newt Lee, the night watchman at the factory. Lee was arrested, but it quickly became evident that the notes were a crude attempt by the barely literate Jim Conley to cover up his own involvement. Conley was the factory's janitor, a black man, and a well-known drunk.

Conley then decided to shift the blame toward Leo Frank, the Jewish owner of the factory. Despite the absurdity of Conley's claims, they nevertheless took hold. The case's prosecutor was Hugh Dorsey, a notorious bigot and friend of Georgia's populist leader, Tom Watson. Reportedly, Watson told Dorsey, "Hell, we can lynch a nigger anytime in Georgia, but when do we get the chance to hang a Yankee Jew?"

Frank was tried by Judge Leonard Roan, who allowed the blatantly unfair trial to go forward even after he was privately informed by Conley's attorney that Conley had admitted to Frank's innocence on more than one occasion. The trial was packed with Watson's followers and readers of his racist newspaper, Jeffersonian. The jury was terrorized into a conviction despite the complete lack of evidence against Frank.

Georgia governor John Slaton initiated his own investigation and quickly concluded that Frank was completely innocent. Three weeks before his term ended, Slaton commuted Frank's death sentence in the hope that he would eventually be freed when the publicity died down. However, Watson had other plans: He mobilized his supporters to form the Knights of Mary Phagan. Thousands of Jewish residents in Atlanta were forced to flee the city because police refused to stop the lynch mob.

The Knights of Mary Phagan then made their way to the prison farm where Frank was incarcerated. They handcuffed the warden and the guards and abducted Frank, bringing him to Marietta, Phagan's hometown. There he was hanged to death from a giant oak tree. Thousands of spectators came to watch and have their picture taken in front of his lifeless body. The police did nothing to stop the spectacle.

Although most of the country was outraged and horrified by the lynching, Watson remained very popular in Georgia. In fact, he was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1920.
Frank did not receive a posthumous pardon until 1986, on the grounds that his lynching deprived him of his right to appeal his conviction.


Taken from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/ [26.04.12]

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

This Day in History: Apr 25, 1983: Andropov writes to U.S. student


On this day in 1983, the Soviet Union releases a letter that Russian leader Yuri Andropov wrote to Samantha Smith, an American fifth-grader from Manchester, Maine, inviting her to visit his country. Andropov's letter came in response to a note Smith had sent him in December 1982, asking if the Soviets were planning to start a nuclear war. At the time, the United States and Soviet Union were Cold War enemies.

President Ronald Reagan, a passionate anti-communist, had dubbed the Soviet Union the "evil empire" and called for massive increases in U.S. defense spending to meet the perceived Soviet threat. In his public relations duel with Reagan, known as the "Great Communicator," Andropov, who had succeeded longtime Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in 1982, assumed a folksy, almost grandfatherly approach that was incongruous with the negative image most Americans had of the Soviets.

Andropov's letter said that Russian people wanted to "live in peace, to trade and cooperate with all our neighbors on the globe, no matter how close or far away they are, and, certainly, with such a great country as the United States of America." In response to Smith's question about whether the Soviet Union wished to prevent nuclear war, Andropov declared, "Yes, Samantha, we in the Soviet Union are endeavoring and doing everything so that there will be no war between our two countries, so that there will be no war at all on earth." Andropov also complimented Smith, comparing her to the spunky character Becky Thatcher from "The Adventures of Tom Sawyer" by Mark Twain.

Smith, born June 29, 1972, accepted Andropov's invitation and flew to the Soviet Union with her parents for a visit. Afterward, she became an international celebrity and peace ambassador, making speeches, writing a book and even landing a role on an American television series. In February 1984, Yuri Andropov died from kidney failure and was succeeded by Konstantin Chernenko. The following year, in August 1985, Samantha Smith died tragically in a plane crash at age 13.

Taken from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history [25.04.2012]

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

4 April, 1554. The ship São Bento (St Benedict) is wrecked on the Transkei coast



Though the date on which the São Bento was shipwrecked is under dispute (some sources claim the ship was wrecked on the 22 April 1554), the reason for the wreck  is due  to the greed of Portuguese traders. Unlike the English, Dutch and French designed ocean going vessels, with manoeuvrability and sturdiness as their foremost concerns, the Portuguese more often focussed on cargo carrying ability.

According to research done by South African archaeologists, C. Auret and .T.Maggs in 1982, the final resting place of the Sao Bento is located 300m west of the Msikaba river on coast of Transkei, possibly on Msikaba Island.

On the night of the 24 April 1954, the Sao Bento, together with its sister ship, the Sao Joao, was rounding the coast of Africa, heavily loaded with trade goods from the East. The crews of these two ships were concerned as the Sao Bento, as well as the Sao Joao, were in a poor condition, undersupplied, overloaded, and sailing in very poor weather. Off the coast of the Transkei, the Sao Bento ran aground and promptly sank, with much loss of life.

A  number of sailors and passengers survived the sinking of the ship.  These survivors then proceeded to trek all the way to Mozambique.  Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello was one of the survivors of the wreck, who managed to survive the journey to Mozambique. He was also the author of the Sao Bento report.  This report detailed the journey from the wreck site, up until the survivors reached Mozambique. Of the 473 people on board the Sao Bento, only 23 survivors reached Mozambique. 

References:
  1. Burger.E, Reinvestigating the Wreck of the Sixteenth Century Portuguese Galleon São Bento: A Historical Archaeological Perspective completed as part of a MA (cultural history) (online), available at: upetd.up.ac.za [Accessed 20 April 2010]
  2. Potgieter, D.J. et al. (eds)(1970). Standard Encyclopaedia of Southern Africa, Cape Town: NASOU, v. 9, p. 618

This Day in History: Apr 24, 1916: Easter Rebellion begins


 

On this day in 1916, on Easter Monday in Dublin, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, a secret organization of Irish nationalists led by Patrick Pearse, launches the so-called Easter Rebellion, an armed uprising against British rule. Assisted by militant Irish socialists under James Connolly, Pearse and his fellow Republicans rioted and attacked British provincial government headquarters across Dublin and seized the Irish capital's General Post Office. Following these successes, they proclaimed the independence of Ireland, which had been under the repressive thumb of the United Kingdom for centuries, and by the next morning were in control of much of the city. Later that day, however, British authorities launched a counteroffensive, and by April 29 the uprising had been crushed. Nevertheless, the Easter Rebellion is considered a significant marker on the road to establishing an independent Irish republic.




Following the uprising, Pearse and 14 other nationalist leaders were executed for their participation and held up as martyrs by many in Ireland. There was little love lost among most Irish people for the British, who had enacted a series of harsh anti-Catholic restrictions, the Penal Laws, in the 18th century, and then let 1.5 million Irish starve during the Potato Famine of 1845-1848. Armed protest continued after the Easter Rebellion and in 1921, 26 of Ireland's 32 counties won independence with the declaration of the Irish Free State. The Free State became an independent republic in 1949. However, six northeastern counties of the Emerald Isle remained part of the United Kingdom, prompting some nationalists to reorganize themselves into the Irish Republican Army (IRA) to continue their struggle for full Irish independence.



In the late 1960s, influenced in part by the U.S. civil rights movement, Catholics in Northern Ireland, long discriminated against by British policies that favored Irish Protestants, advocated for justice. Civil unrest broke out between Catholics and Protestants in the region and the violence escalated as the pro-Catholic IRA battled British troops. An ongoing series of terrorist bombings and attacks ensued in a drawn-out conflict that came to be known as "The Troubles." Peace talks eventually took place throughout the mid- to late 1990s, but a permanent end to the violence remained elusive. Finally, in July 2005, the IRA announced its members would give up all their weapons and pursue the group's objectives solely through peaceful means. By the fall of 2006, the Independent Monitoring Commission reported that the IRA's military campaign to end British rule was over.

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Easter Rising

Easter Proclamation of 1916.pngFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The Easter Rising (Irish: Éirí Amach na Cásca)[1] was an insurrection staged in Ireland during Easter Week, 1916. The Rising was mounted by Irish republicans with the aims of ending British rule in Ireland and establishing the Irish Republic at a time when the British Empire was heavily engaged in the First World War. It was the most significant uprising in Ireland since the rebellion of 1798.[2]

Organised by the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood,[3] the Rising lasted from Easter Monday 24 to 30 April 1916. Members of the Irish Volunteers—led by schoolteacher and barrister Pádraig (Patrick) Pearse, joined by the smaller Irish Citizen Army of James Connolly, along with 200 members of Cumann na mBan—seized key locations in Dublin and proclaimed the Irish Republic independent of Britain. There were some actions in other parts of Ireland, however, except for the attack on the Royal Irish Constabulary barracks at Ashbourne, County Meath, they were minor.

The Rising was suppressed after seven days of fighting, and its leaders were court-martialled and executed, but it succeeded in bringing physical force republicanism back to the forefront of Irish politics. Less than two years after the Rising, republicans (then represented by the Sinn Féin party) won 73 Irish seats out of 105 in the 1918 General Election to the British Parliament, on a policy of abstentionism and Irish independence. In January 1919, the elected members of Sinn Féin who were not still in prison at the time, including survivors of the Rising, convened the First Dáil and established the Irish Republic. The British government refused to accept the legitimacy of the newly declared nation, precipitating the Irish War of Independence

Background

The Acts of Union 1800 united the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Ireland as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, abolishing the Irish Parliament and giving Ireland representation at Westminster. From early on, many Irish nationalists opposed the union and what was seen as the exploitation of the country.[4]

Opposition took various forms: constitutional (the Repeal Association; the Home Rule League), social (disestablishment of the Church of Ireland; the Land League) and revolutionary (Rebellion of 1848; Fenian Rising).[5] Constitutional nationalism enjoyed its greatest success in the 1880s and 1890s when the Irish Parliamentary Party under Charles Stewart Parnell succeeded in having two Home Rule bills introduced by the Liberal government of William Ewart Gladstone, though both failed. The First Home Rule Bill of 1886 was defeated in the House of Commons, while the Second Home Rule Bill of 1893 was passed by the Commons but rejected by the House of Lords. After the fall of Parnell, younger and more radical nationalists became disillusioned with parliamentary politics and turned toward more extreme forms of separatism. The Gaelic Athletic Association, the Gaelic League and the cultural revival under W. B. Yeats and Lady Augusta Gregory, together with the new political thinking of Arthur Griffith expressed in his newspaper Sinn Féin and the organisations the National Council and the Sinn Féin League led to the identification of Irish people with the concept of a Gaelic nation and culture, completely independent of Britain.[6][7] This was sometimes referred to by the generic term Sinn Féin.[8]

The Third Home Rule Bill was introduced by British Prime Minister H. H. Asquith in 1912. The Irish Unionists, led by Sir Edward Carson, opposed home rule in the light of what they saw as an impending Roman Catholic-dominated Dublin government. They formed the Ulster Volunteer Force on 13 January 1913.[9]

The Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) saw an opportunity to create an armed organisation to advance its own ends, and on 25 November 1913 the Irish Volunteers, whose stated object was "to secure and to maintain the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland", was formed. Its leader was Eoin MacNeill, who was not an IRB member.[10] A Provisional Committee was formed that included people with a wide range of political views, and the Volunteers' ranks were open to "all able-bodied Irishmen without distinction of creed, politics or social group."[11] Another militant group, the Irish Citizen Army, was formed by trade unionists as a result of the Dublin Lockout of that year.[12] However, the increasing militarisation of Irish politics was overshadowed soon after by the outbreak of a larger conflict—the First World War[13] — and Ireland's involvement in the conflict.
Though large numbers of Irishmen had willingly joined Irish regiments and divisions of the New British Army at the outbreak of war in 1914,[14] the likelihood of enforced conscription created a backlash – particularly as the Government of Ireland Act 1914 (as previously recommended in March by the Irish Convention) was controversially linked with a "dual policy" enactment of the Military Service Bill.[15] The linking of conscription and Home Rule outraged the Irish nationalist parties at Westminster, (including the IPP, AFIL and others) who walked out in protest and returned to Ireland to organise opposition.[16]

Planning the Rising

The Supreme Council of the IRB met on 5 September 1914, a month after the British government had declared war on Germany. At this meeting, they decided to stage a rising before the war ended and to accept whatever help Germany might offer.[17] Responsibility for the planning of the rising was given to Tom Clarke and Seán MacDermott.[18] The Irish Volunteers—the smaller of the two forces resulting from the September 1914 split over support for the British war effort—[19] set up a "headquarters staff" that included Patrick Pearse[20] as Director of Military Organisation, Joseph Plunkett as Director of Military Operations and Thomas MacDonagh as Director of Training. Éamonn Ceannt was later added as Director of Communications.[21] In May 1915, Clarke and MacDermott established a Military Committee within the IRB, consisting of Pearse, Plunkett and Ceannt, to draw up plans for a rising.[22] This dual rôle allowed the Committee, to which Clarke and MacDermott added themselves shortly afterward, to promote their own policies and personnel independently of both the Volunteer Executive and the IRB Executive—in particular Volunteer Chief of Staff Eoin MacNeill, who supported a rising only on condition of an increase in popular support following unpopular moves by the London government, such as the introduction of conscription or an attempt to suppress the Volunteers or its leaders, and IRB President Denis McCullough, who held similar views.[23] IRB members held officer rank in the Volunteers throughout the country and would take their orders from the Military Committee, not from MacNeill.[24]

Plunkett had travelled to Germany in April 1915 to join Roger Casement. Casement had gone there from the United States the previous year with the support of Clan na Gael leader John Devoy, and after discussions with the German Ambassador in Washington, Count von Bernstorff, to try to recruit an "Irish Brigade" from among Irish prisoners of war and secure German support for Irish independence.[25][26] Together, Plunkett and Casement presented a plan which involved a German expeditionary force landing on the west coast of Ireland, while a rising in Dublin diverted the British forces so that the Germans, with the help of local Volunteers, could secure the line of the River Shannon.[27]

James Connolly—head of the Irish Citizen Army (ICA), a group of armed socialist trade union men and women—was unaware of the IRB's plans, and threatened to start a rebellion on his own if other parties failed to act. If they had gone it alone, the IRB and the Volunteers would possibly have come to their aid;[28] however, the IRB leaders met with Connolly in January 1916 and convinced him to join forces with them. They agreed to act together the following Easter and made Connolly the sixth member of the Military Committee. Thomas MacDonagh would later become the seventh and final member.

Build-up to Easter Week


General Post Office, Dublin. Centre of the Easter Rising
In an effort to thwart informers and, indeed, the Volunteers' own leadership, Pearse issued orders in early April for three days of "parades and manoeuvres" by the Volunteers for Easter Sunday (which he had the authority to do, as Director of Organization). The idea was that the republicans within the organisation (particularly IRB members) would know exactly what this meant, while men such as MacNeill and the British authorities in Dublin Castle would take it at face value. However, MacNeill got wind of what was afoot and threatened to "do everything possible short of phoning Dublin Castle" to prevent the rising.

MacNeill was briefly convinced to go along with some sort of action when Mac Diarmada revealed to him that a shipment of German arms was about to land in County Kerry, planned by the IRB in conjunction with Roger Casement; he was certain that the authorities' discovery of such a shipment would inevitably lead to suppression of the Volunteers, thus the Volunteers were justified in taking defensive action (including the originally planned manoeuvres).[29] Casement—disappointed with the level of support offered by the Germans—returned to Ireland on a German U-boat and was captured upon landing at Banna Strand in Tralee Bay. The arms shipment was lost when the German ship carrying, Aud, was scuttled after interception by the Royal Navy, after the local Volunteers had failed to rendezvous with it.

The following day, MacNeill reverted to his original position when he found out that the ship carrying the arms had been scuttled. With the support of other leaders of like mind, notably Bulmer Hobson and The O'Rahilly, he issued a countermand to all Volunteers, cancelling all actions for Sunday. This only succeeded in putting the rising off for a day, although it greatly reduced the number of Volunteers who turned out.

British Naval Intelligence had been aware of the arms shipment, Casement's return and the Easter date for the rising through radio messages between Germany and its embassy in the United States that were intercepted by the Navy and deciphered in Room 40 of the Admiralty.[30] The information was passed to the Under-Secretary for Ireland, Sir Matthew Nathan, on 17 April, but without revealing its source, and Nathan was doubtful about its accuracy.[31] When news reached Dublin of the capture of the Aud and the arrest of Casement, Nathan conferred with the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Wimborne. Nathan proposed to raid Liberty Hall, headquarters of the Citizen Army, and Volunteer properties at Father Matthew Park and at Kimmage, but Wimborne insisted on wholesale arrests of the leaders. It was decided to postpone action until after Easter Monday, and in the meantime Nathan telegraphed the Chief Secretary, Augustine Birrell, in London seeking his approval.[32] By the time Birrell cabled his reply authorising the action, at noon on Monday 24 April 1916, the Rising had already begun.

The Rising Itself

Easter Monday


One of two flags flown over the GPO during the Rising
Early on Monday morning, 24 April 1916, roughly 1,200 Volunteers and Citizen Army members took over strongpoints in Dublin city centre. A joint force of about 400 Volunteers and Citizen Army gathered at Liberty Hall under the command of Commandant James Connolly.
The rebel headquarters was located at the General Post Office (GPO) where James Connolly, overall military commander and four other members of the Military Council: Patrick Pearse, Tom Clarke, Seán Mac Dermott and Joseph Plunkett were located.[33] After occupying the Post Office, the Volunteers hoisted two republican flags and Pearse read a Proclamation of the Republic[34]

Elsewhere, rebel forces took up positions at the Four Courts, the centre of the Irish legal establishment, at Jacob's Biscuit Factory and Boland's Mill and at the hospital complex at South Dublin Union and the adjoining Distillery at Marrowbone Lane. Another contingent, under Michal Mallin, dug in on St. Stephen's Green.[35]

However, although it was lightly guarded, Volunteer and Citizen Army forces under Seán Connolly failed to take Dublin Castle, the centre of British rule in Ireland, shooting dead a police sentry and overpowering the soldiers in the guardroom, but failing to press home the attack. The Under-secretary, Sir Matthew Nathan, was alerted by the shots and helped close the castle gates.[36] The rebels occupied the Dublin City Hall and adjacent buildings.[37] They also failed to take Trinity College, which was located in the heart of the city centre and which was defended by only a handful of armed unionist students.[38] At midday a small team of Volunteers and Fianna members attacked the Magazine Fort in the Phoenix Park and disarmed the guards, with the intent to seize weapons and blow up the building as a signal that the rising had begun. They set explosives but failed to obtain any arms.[39]

In at least two incidents, at Jacobs[40] and Stephens Green,[41] the Volunteers and Citizen Army shot dead civilians who were trying to attack them or dismantle their barricades. Elsewhere, they hit civilians with their rifle butts to drive them off.[42]

The British military were caught totally unprepared by the rebellion and their response of the first day was generally un-coordinated. Two troops of British cavalry, one at the Four Courts, the other on O'Connell Street, sent out to investigate what was happening, took fire and casualties from rebel forces[43][44] On Mount Street, a group of reserve volunteer soldiers, stumbled upon the rebel position and four were killed before they reached Beggars Bush barracks.[45]

The only substantial combat of the first day of the Rising took place at the South Dublin Union where a piquet from the Royal Irish Regiment, encountered an outpost of Éamonn Ceannt's force at the north-western corner of the South Dublin Union. The British troops, after taking some casualties, managed to regroup and launch several assaults on the position before they forced their way inside and the small rebel force in the tin huts at the eastern end of the Union surrendered.[46] However, the Union complex as a whole remained in rebel hands.

Three of the unarmed Dublin Metropolitan Police were shot dead on the first day of the Rising and their Commissioner pulled them off the streets. Partly as result of the withdrawal of the police, a wave of looting broke out in the city centre, especially in the O'Connell Street area. A total of 425 people were arrested after the Rising for looting.[47]

Tuesday to Saturday


A British armoured truck, hastily built from the smokeboxes of several steam locomotives at Inchicore railway works[48]
Lord Wimborne, the Lord Lieutenant, declared martial law on Tuesday evening and handed over civil power to Brigadier-General W. H. M. Lowe. British forces initially put their efforts into securing the approaches to Dublin Castle and isolating the rebel headquarters, which they believed was in Liberty Hall. The British commander, Lowe, worked slowly, unsure of the size of the force he was up against, and with only 1,269 troops in the city when he arrived from the Curragh Camp in the early hours of Tuesday 25 April. City Hall was taken from the rebel unit that had attacked Dublin Castle on Tuesday morning.[49][50]

The rebels had failed to take either of Dublin's two main train stations or either of its ports, at Dublin Port and Kingstown. As a result, during the following week, the British were able to bring in thousands of reinforcements from England and from their garrisons at the Curragh and Belfast. By the end of the week, British strength stood at over 16,000 men.[50][51] Their firepower was provided by field artillery summoned from their garrison at Athlone which they positioned on the northside of the city at Phibsborough and at Trinity College, and by the patrol vessel Helga, which sailed up the Liffey, having been summoned from the port at Kingstown. On Wednesday, 26 April, the guns at Trinity College and Helga shelled Liberty Hall, and the Trinity College guns then began firing at rebel positions, first at Boland's Mill and then in O'Connell Street.[50]

Combat


"Birth of the Irish Republic" by Walter Paget, depicting the GPO during the shelling
The principal rebel positions at the GPO, the Four Courts, Jacob's Factory and Boland's Mill saw little combat. The British surrounded and bombarded them rather than assault them directly. One Volunteer in the GPO recalled, "we did practically no shooting as there was no target".[52] Similarly, the rebel position at St Stephen's Green, held by the Citizen Army under Michael Mallin, was made untenable after the British placed snipers and machine guns in the Shelbourne Hotel and surrounding buildings. As a result, Mallin's men retreated to the Royal College of Surgeons building where they remained for the rest of the week. However, where the insurgents dominated the routes by which the British tried to funnel reinforcements into the city, there was fierce fighting.

Reinforcements were sent to Dublin from England, and disembarked at Kingstown on the morning of 26 April. Heavy fighting occurred at the rebel-held positions around the Grand Canal as these troops advanced towards Dublin. The Sherwood Foresters were repeatedly caught in a cross-fire trying to cross the canal at Mount Street. Seventeen Volunteers were able to severely disrupt the British advance, killing or wounding 240 men.[53] Despite there being alternative routes across the canal nearby, General Lowe ordered repeated frontal assaults on the Mount Street position.[54] The British eventually took the position, which had not been reinforced by the nearby rebel garrison at Boland's Mills, on Thursday[55] but the fighting there inflicted up to two thirds of their casualties for the entire week for a cost of just four dead Volunteers.[56]

The rebel position at the South Dublin Union (site of the present day St. James's Hospital) and Marrowbone Lane, further west along the canal, also inflicted heavy losses on British troops. The South Dublin Union was a large complex of buildings and there was vicious fighting around and inside the buildings. Cathal Brugha, a rebel officer, distinguished himself in this action and was badly wounded. By the end of the week, the British had taken some of the buildings in the Union, but others remained in rebel hands.[57] British troops also took casualties in unsuccessful frontal assaults on the Marrowbone Lane Distillery.[58]


Placements of Rebel forces and British troops around the River Liffey in Dublin
The third major scene of combat during the week was at North King Street, behind the Four Courts, where the British, on Thursday, tried to take a well-barricaded rebel position. By the time of the rebel headquarter's surrender, the South Staffordshire Regiment under Colonel Taylor had advanced only 150 yd (140 m) down the street at a cost of 11 dead and 28 wounded.[59] The enraged troops broke into the houses along the street and shot or bayonetted 15 male civilians whom they accused of being rebel fighters.[60]

Elsewhere, at Portobello Barracks, an officer named Bowen Colthurst summarily executed six civilians, including the pacifist nationalist activist, Francis Sheehy-Skeffington.[61] These instances of British troops killing Irish civilians would later be highly controversial in Ireland.

Surrender

The headquarters garrison at the GPO, after days of shelling, was forced to abandon their headquarters when fire caused by the shells spread to the GPO. Connolly had been incapacitated by a bullet wound to the ankle and has passed command on to Pearse. The O'Rahilly was killed in a sortie from the GPO. They tunnelled through the walls of the neighbouring buildings in order to evacuate the Post Office without coming under fire and took up a new position in 16 Moore Street. On Saturday 29 April, from this new headquarters, after realising that they could not break out of this position without further loss of civilian life, Pearse issued an order for all companies to surrender.[62] Pearse surrendered unconditionally to Brigadier-General Lowe. The surrender document read:
"In order to prevent the further slaughter of Dublin citizens, and in the hope of saving the lives of our followers now surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered, the members of the Provisional Government present at headquarters have agreed to an unconditional surrender, and the commandants of the various districts in the City and County will order their commands to lay down arms."[63]
The GPO was the only major rebel post to be physically taken during the week. The others surrendered only after Pearse's surrender order, carried by nurse named Elizabeth O'Farrell, reached them.[64] Sporadic fighting therefore continued until Sunday, when word of the surrender was got to the other rebel garrisons.[65] Command of British forces had passed from Lowe to General John Maxwell, who arrived in Dublin just in time to take the surrender. Maxwell was made temporary military governor of Ireland.[66]

The Rising outside Dublin

Irish Volunteer units mobilised on Easter Sunday in several places outside of Dublin, but due to Eoin MacNeill's countermanding order, most of them returned home without fighting. In addition, due to the interception of the German arms aboard the Aud, the provincial Volunteer units were very poorly armed.

In the south, around 1,200 Volunteers mustered in Cork, under Tomás Mac Curtain on the Sunday, but they dispersed after receiving nine contradictory orders by dispatch from the Volunteer leadership in Dublin. Much to the anger of many Volunteers, MacCurtain, under pressure from Catholic clergy, agreed to surrender his men's arms to the British on Wednesday.[67] The only violence in Cork occurred when the Kent brothers resisted arrest by the RIC, shooting one. One brother was killed in the shootout and another later executed.[68]

Similarly, in the north, several Volunteer companies were mobilised at Coalisland in County Tyrone including 132 men from Belfast led by IRB President Dennis McCullough. However, in part due to the confusion caused by the countermanding order, the Volunteers there dispersed without fighting.[69]

Ashbourne

The only large scale engagement outside the city of Dublin occurred at Ashbourne, County Meath. The Volunteers′ Dublin Brigade, 5th Battalion (also known as the Fingal Battalion), led by Thomas Ashe and his second in command Richard Mulcahy, composed of some 60 men, mobilised at Swords, where they seized the RIC Barracks and the Post Office. They did the same in the nearby villages of Donabate and Garristown before attacking the RIC barracks at Ashtown[70][71]
During the attack on the barracks, an RIC patrol from Slane happened upon the firefight – leading to a five-hour gun battle, in which eight RIC constables were killed and 15 wounded. Two Volunteers were also killed and five wounded.[72] One civilian was also mortally wounded.[73] Ashe's men camped at Kilsalaghan, near Dublin until they received orders to surrender on Saturday.[74]
Volunteer contingents also mobilised nearby in counties Meath and Louth, but proved unable to link up with the North Dublin unit until after it had surrendered. In County Louth, Volunteers shot dead an RIC man near the village of Castlebellingham on 24 April, in an incident in which 15 RIC men were also taken prisoner.[70][75]

Enniscorthy


Irish War News, produced during the Rising
In County Wexford, some 100 Volunteers took over Enniscorthy on Thursday 27 April until the following Sunday.[70] The made a brief and unsuccessful attack on the RIC barracks, but unable to take it, resolved to blockade it instead. During their occupation of the town, they made such gestures as flying the tricolour over the Atheneum theatre, which they had made their headquarters, and parading uniformed in the streets.[76]

A small party set off for Dublin, but turned back when they met a train full of British troops (part of a 1,000-strong force) on their way to Enniscorthy. On Saturday, two Volunteer leaders were escorted by the British to Arbour Hill Prison, where Pearse ordered them to surrender.[77]

Galway

In the west, Liam Mellows led 600–700 Volunteers in abortive attacks on several police stations, at Oranmore and Clarinbridge in County Galway. There was also a skirmish at Carnmore in which two RIC men were killed. However, his men were poorly-armed, with only 25 rifles and 300 shotguns, many of them being equipped only with pikes. Toward the end of the week, Mellows′ followers were increasingly poorly-fed and heard that large British reinforcements were being sent westwards. In addition, the British cruiser HMS Gloucester arrived in Galway Bay and shelled the fields around Athenry where the rebels were based.[78]

On 29 April, the Volunteers, judging the situation to be hopeless, dispersed from the town of Athenry. Many of these Volunteers were arrested in the period following the rising, while others, including Mellows had to go "on the run" to escape. By the time British reinforcements arrived in the west, the rising there had already disintegrated.[79]

Casualties

The British Army reported casualties of 116 dead, 368 wounded and nine missing.[80][81] Sixteen policemen died, and 29 were wounded. Rebel and civilian casualties were 318 dead and 2,217 wounded. The Volunteers and ICA recorded 64 killed in action, but otherwise Irish casualties were not divided into rebels and civilians.[82] All 16 police fatalities and 22 of the British soldiers killed were Irishmen[83] British families came to Dublin Castle in May 1916 to reclaim the bodies and funerals were arranged. British bodies which were not claimed were given military funerals in Grangegorman Military Cemetery.

The majority of the casualties, both killed and wounded, were civilians. Both sides, British and rebel, shot civilians deliberately on occasion when they refused to obey orders such as to stop at checkpoints.[84] On top of that, there were two instances of British troops killing civilians out of revenge or frustration, at Portobello Barracks, where six were shot and North King Street, where 15 were killed.[85]

However the majority of civilian casualties were killed by indirect fire from artillery, heavy machine guns and incendiary shells. The British, who used such weapons extensively, therefore seem to have caused most non-combatant deaths. One Royal Irish Regiment officer recalled, "they [British troops] regarded everyone as an enemy and fired at everything that moved".[86]

Aftermath


Sackville Street (now O'Connell Street), Dublin, after the Rising

The burial spot of the Leaders of the Rising, in the old prison yard of Arbour Hill prison. The memorial was designed by G. McNicholl. The Proclamation of 1916 is inscribed on the wall in both Irish and English

British soldiers searching the River Tolka in Dublin for arms and ammunition after the Easter Rising. May 1916

Arrests and executions

General Maxwell quickly signalled his intention "to arrest all dangerous Sinn Feiners", including "those who have taken an active part in the movement although not in the present rebellion",[87] reflecting the popular belief that Sinn Féin, a separatist organisation that was neither militant nor republican, was behind the Rising.

A total of 3,430 men and 79 women were arrested, although most were subsequently released. In attempting to arrest members of the Kent family in County Cork on 2 May, a Head Constable was shot dead in a gun battle. Richard Kent was also killed, and Thomas and William Kent were arrested.
In a series of courts martial beginning on 2 May 90 people were sentenced to death. Fifteen of those (including all seven signatories of the Proclamation) had their sentences confirmed by Maxwell and were executed by firing squad between 3 and 12 May (among them the seriously-wounded Connolly, shot while tied to a chair due to a shattered ankle). Not all of those executed were leaders: Willie Pearse described himself as "a personal attaché to my brother, Patrick Pearse"; John MacBride had not even been aware of the Rising until it began, but had fought against the British in the Boer War fifteen years before; Thomas Kent did not come out at all—he was executed for the killing of a police officer during the raid on his house the week after the Rising. The most prominent leader to escape execution was Éamon de Valera, Commandant of the 3rd Battalion. The president of the courts martial was Charles Blackader.

1,480 men[citation needed] were interned in England and Wales under Regulation 14B of the Defence of the Realm Act 1914, many of whom, like Arthur Griffith, had little or nothing to do with the affair. Camps such as Frongoch internment camp became "Universities of Revolution" where future leaders like Michael Collins, Terence McSwiney and J. J. O'Connell began to plan the coming struggle for independence.[88] Sir Roger Casement was tried in London for high treason and hanged at Pentonville Prison on 3 August.

Inquiry

A Royal Commission was set up to enquire into the causes of the Rising. It began hearings on 18 May under the chairmanship of Lord Hardinge of Penshurst. The Commission heard evidence from Sir Matthew Nathan, Augustine Birrell, Lord Wimborne, Sir Neville Chamberlain (Inspector-General of the Royal Irish Constabulary), General Lovick Friend, Major Ivor Price of Military Intelligence and others.[89] The report, published on 26 June, was critical of the Dublin administration, saying that "Ireland for several years had been administered on the principle that it was safer and more expedient to leave the law in abeyance if collision with any faction of the Irish people could thereby be avoided."[90] Birrell and Nathan had resigned immediately after the Rising. Wimborne had also reluctantly resigned, but was re-appointed, and Chamberlain resigned soon after.

Reaction of the Dublin public


A mural in Belfast commemorating the rising
At first, many members of the Dublin public were simply bewildered by the outbreak of the Rising.[91] James Stephens, who was in Dublin during the week, thought, "None of these people were prepared for Insurrection. The thing had been sprung on them so suddenly they were unable to take sides".[92]

There was considerable hostility towards the Volunteers in some parts of the city. When occupying positions in the South Dublin Union and Jacob's factory, the rebels got involved in physical confrontations with civilians trying to prevent them from taking over the buildings. The Volunteers′ shooting and clubbing of civilians made them extremely unpopular in these localities.[93] There was outright hostility to the Volunteers from the "separation women", (so-called because they were paid "Separation Money" by the British government) who had husbands and son fighting in the British Army in World War I, and among unionists.[94] Supporters of the Irish Parliamentary Party also felt the rebellion was a betrayal of their party.[95]

Finally, the fact that the Rising had caused a great deal of death and destruction also contributed towards antagonism toward the rebels. After the surrender, the Volunteers were hissed at, pelted with refuse, and denounced as "murderers" and "starvers of the people".[96] Volunteer Robert Holland for example remembered being abused by people he knew as he was being marched into captivity and said the British troops saved them from being manhandled by the crowds.[97]

However, there was not universal hostility towards the defeated insurgents. Some onlookers were cowed rather than hostile and it appeared to the Volunteers that some of those watching in silence were sympathetic.[98] Canadian journalist and writer Frederick Arthur McKenzie wrote that in poorer areas, "there was a vast amount of sympathy with the rebels, particularly after the rebels were defeated."[99] Thomas Johnson, the Labour leader thought there was, "no sign of sympathy for the rebels, but general admiration for their courage and strategy"[100]

The aftermath of the Rising, and in particular the British reaction to it, helped to sway a large section of Irish nationalist opinion away from hostility or ambivalence and towards support for the rebels of Easter 1916. Dublin businessman and Quaker James Douglas, for example, hitherto a Home Ruler, wrote that his political outlook changed radically during the course of the Rising due to the British military occupation of the city and that he became convinced that parliamentary methods would not be sufficient to remove the British presence.[101]

Rise of Sinn Féin

A meeting called by Count Plunkett on 19 April 1917 led to the formation of a broad political movement under the banner of Sinn Féin[102] which was formalised at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis of 25 October 1917. The Conscription Crisis of 1918 further intensified public support for Sinn Féin before the general elections to the British Parliament on 14 December 1918, which resulted in a landslide victory for Sinn Féin, whose MPs gathered in Dublin on 21 January 1919 to form Dáil Éireann and adopt the Declaration of Independence.[103]

Legacy


The Garden of Remembrance was opened in 1966, to mark the anniversary of the Rising. The Garden is "dedicated to all those who gave their lives in the fight for Ireland's freedom"

A plaque commemorating the Easter Rising at the General Post Office, Dublin, with the Irish text in Gaelic script, and the English text in regular Latin script
A few months after the Easter Rising, W. B. Yeats commemorated some of the fallen figures of the Irish Republican movement, as well as expressed his torn emotions regarding these events, in the poem Easter, 1916. Some survivors of the Rising went on to become leaders of the independent Irish state and those who died were venerated by many as martyrs. Their graves in the former military prison of Arbour Hill in Dublin became a national monument and the text of the Proclamation was taught in schools. An annual commemoration, in the form of a military parade, was held each year on Easter Sunday, culminating in a huge national celebration on the 50th anniversary in 1966.[104] RTÉ the Irish national broadcaster, as one of its first major undertakings made a series of commemorative programmes for the 1966 anniversary of the Rising. Roibéárd Ó Faracháin, head of programming said, "While still seeking historical truth, the emphasis will be on homage, on salutation".[105]
With the outbreak of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, government, academics and the media began to revise the country's militant past, and particularly the Easter Rising. The coalition government of 1973—77, in particular the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, Conor Cruise O'Brien, began to promote the view that the violence of 1916 was essentially no different from the violence then taking place in the streets of Belfast and Derry.

Cruise O'Brien and others asserted that the Rising was doomed to military defeat from the outset, and that it failed to account for the determination of Ulster Unionists to remain in the United Kingdom.[106] "Revisionist" historians[107] began to write of it in terms of a "blood sacrifice".[108]
While the Rising and its leaders continued to be venerated by Irish republicans—including members and supporters of the Provisional IRA and the modern Sinn Féin—with murals in republican areas of Belfast and other towns celebrating the actions of Pearse and his comrades, and a number of parades held annually in remembrance of the Rising, the Irish government discontinued its annual parade in Dublin in the early 1970s, and in 1976 it took the unprecedented step of proscribing (under the Offences against the State Act) a 1916 commemoration ceremony at the GPO organised by Sinn Féin and the Republican commemoration Committee.[109]

A Labour Party TD, David Thornley, embarrassed the government (of which Labour was a member) by appearing on the platform at the ceremony, along with Máire Comerford, a survivor of the Rising, and Fiona Plunkett, sister of Joseph Plunkett.[110]

With the advent of a Provisional IRA ceasefire and the beginning of what became known as the Peace Process during the 1990s, the official view of the Rising became more positive and in 1996 an 80th anniversary commemoration at the Garden of Remembrance in Dublin was attended by the Taoiseach and leader of Fine Gael, John Bruton.[111] In 2005, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, announced the government's intention to resume the military parade past the GPO from Easter 2006, and to form a committee to plan centenary celebrations in 2016.[112] The 90th anniversary was celebrated with military parade in Dublin on Easter Sunday, 2006, attended by the President of Ireland, the Taoiseach and the Lord Mayor of Dublin.[113]

Notes

  1. ^ "Department of the Taoiseach – Easter Rising". Taoiseach.gov.ie. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  2. ^ "Soldiers are we" by Charles Townshend, History Today, 1 April 2006
  3. ^ Leaders and Men of the Easter Rising: Dublin 1916 Francis X. Martin 1967 p105
  4. ^ MacDonagh, Oliver, Ireland: The Union and its aftermath, George Allen & Unwin, 1977, ISBN 0049410040, pp. 14–17
  5. ^ Mansergh, Nicholas, The Irish Question 1840–1921, George Allen & Unwin, 1978, ISBN 0049010220 p. 244
  6. ^ MacDonagh, Oliver, Ireland: The Union and its aftermath, pp. 72–74
  7. ^ Feeney, Brian, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, O'Brien Press, 2002, ISBN 0862786959 p. 22
  8. ^ Feeney, Brian, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, p. 37
  9. ^ "Those who set the stage". The 1916 Rising: Personalities and Perspectives. National Library of Ireland. Retrieved 7 December 2009.
  10. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, pp. 7–8
  11. ^ Macardle, The Irish Republic, pp. 90–92
  12. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 49
  13. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, pp. 59–60
  14. ^ BBC – The forgotten soldiers (Article highlighting pre- and post-war attitudes to participation of Irish in Great War)
  15. ^ Dave Hennessy (2004). The Hay Plan & Conscription In Ireland During WW1, p.5 [1]
  16. ^ Alan J., Ward (1974). Lloyd George and the 1918 Irish Conscription Crisis. The Historical Journal, Vol. XVII, no. 1.
  17. ^ Caulfield, Max, The Easter Rebellion, p. 18
  18. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, p. 16
  19. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, p. 13
  20. ^ Sean Farrell Moran, Patrick Pearse and the Politics of Redemption: The Mind of the Easter Rising, (1994), Ruth Dudley Edwards, Patrick Pearse and the Triumph of Failure, (1977), Joost Augustin, "Patrick Pearse," (2009)
  21. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 92
  22. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, pp. 16, 19
  23. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 94
  24. ^ Macardle, The Irish Republic, p. 119
  25. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 104
  26. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, p. 105
  27. ^ McNally and Dennis, Easter Rising 1916: Birth of the Irish Republic, p. 30
  28. ^ Eoin Neeson, Myths from Easter 1916, p. ?
  29. ^ Michael Tierney, Eoin MacNeill, pp. 199, 214
  30. ^ Ó Broin, Leon, Dublin Castle & the 1916 Rising, p. 138
  31. ^ Ó Broin, Leon, Dublin Castle & the 1916 Rising, p. 79
  32. ^ Ó Broin, Leon, Dublin Castle & the 1916 Rising, pp. 81–87
  33. ^ McNally, Michael and Dennis, Peter, Easter Rising 1916: Birth of the Irish Republic, p. 41
  34. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, pp. 192, 195
  35. ^ McNally, Michael and Dennis, Peter, Easter Rising 1916: Birth of the Irish Republic, p39- 40
  36. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, pp. 84–85
  37. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, pp. 87–90
  38. ^ Townshend p163-164
  39. ^ Caulfield, Max, The Easter Rebellion, pp. 48–50
  40. ^ McGarry p142
  41. ^ Stephens p18
  42. ^ McGarry, The Risng, p142-143, Townshend, Easter 1916, p174
  43. ^ Caulfield, Max, the Easter Rebellion, pp. 54–55
  44. ^ Agony at Easter:The 1916 Irish Uprising, Thomas M. Coffey, pages 38, 44, 155
  45. ^ Paul O’Brien, Blood on the Streets, the Battle for Mount Street, p22-23
  46. ^ Caulfield, Max, The Easter Rebellion, pp. 76–80
  47. ^ Townshend p263-264
  48. ^ "Statement by Jospeh Sweeney Curious Journey: An Oral History of Ireland’s Unfinished Revolution". BBC. Retrieved 18 October 2009.
  49. ^ Tim Pat Coogan,The Easter Rising p107
  50. ^ a b c Townshend p191
  51. ^ McGarry, p167-169
  52. ^ McGarry p 175
  53. ^ Coogan p 122
  54. ^ Caulfield p251
  55. ^ O'Brien p69
  56. ^ McGarry p173
  57. ^ Caulfield p287-292
  58. ^ Annie Ryan, Witnesses, p128-133
  59. ^ Coogan p152-155
  60. ^ Coogan, p155, McGarry p187
  61. ^ Caulfield p198
  62. ^ Townshend p243-246
  63. ^ "BBC News". BBC News. 2006-01-09. Retrieved 2011-11-13.
  64. ^ Townshend, p246-247
  65. ^ Townshend p246-250
  66. ^ McGarry, p203-204
  67. ^ Townshend p235
  68. ^ Townshend, p238
  69. ^ Townshend p226
  70. ^ a b c Boyle, John F. The Irish Rebellion of 1916: a brief history of the revolt and its suppression (Chapter IV: Outbreaks in the Country). BiblioBazaar, LLC, 2009. Pages 127–152.
  71. ^ TownshendEaster 1916, The Irish Rebellion, p215-216
  72. ^ Townshend p218-221
  73. ^ Fearghal McGarry, The Rising, Ireland Easter 1916, p235-237
  74. ^ Townshend p221
  75. ^ Townshend p224
  76. ^ Townshend p 241
  77. ^ Townshend p241-242
  78. ^ Townshend p227-230
  79. ^ McGary p233
  80. ^ "British Soldiers KIA 1916 Rising". Irishmedals.org. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  81. ^ "Ireland 1916". Glosters.tripod.com. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  82. ^ Foy and Barton, The Easter Rising, page 325
  83. ^ Kilberd, Declan: 1916, Rebellion Handbook, p.50-55
  84. ^ McGarry, p184-185
  85. ^ McGarry, p186-187
  86. ^ both 'indirect fire' and quote from McGarry p184
  87. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, page 273
  88. ^ "''The Green Dragon'' No 4, Autumn 1997". Ballinagree.freeservers.com. 31 March 2005. Retrieved 13 November 2011.
  89. ^ Ó Broin, Leon, Dublin Castle & the 1916 Rising pp. 153–159
  90. ^ Townshend, Charles, Easter 1916: The Irish Rebellion p. 297
  91. ^ According to historian Charles Townshend, "In many areas the reaction of civilians was puzzlement, they simply had no idea what was going on." Townshend Easter 1916, The Irish Rebellion
  92. ^ James Stephens, The Insurrection in Dublin, p57
  93. ^ Fearghal McGarry, The Rising:Ireland Easter 1916, p143
  94. ^ The Easter Rising, Brian Barton & Micheal Foy, Sutton Publishing Ltd. Gloucestershire, UK, ISBN 10: 0750934336, pg.203-9
  95. ^ Ernie O’Malley, On Another Man's Wound, p 60, ““The loyalists spoke with an air of contempt, ‘the troops will settle the matter in an hour or two, these pro-Germans will run away’…The Redmondites were more bitter, ‘I hope they’ll all be hanged’, ... ‘Shooting’s too good for them. Trying to stir up trouble for us all’
  96. ^ McGarry, p252
  97. ^ Annie Ryan, Witnesses, Inside the Easter Rising, p135
  98. ^ McGarry, The Rising, Ireland Easter 1916 p252-256
  99. ^ The Impact of the 1916 Rising: Among the Nations, Edited by Ruán O’Donnell, Irish Academic Press Dublin 2008, ISBN 978 0 7165 2965, pg. 196-97
  100. ^ Townshend, Easter 1916, p265-268
  101. ^ J. Anthony Gaughan, ed. (1998). Memoirs of Senator James G. Douglas; concerned citizen. University College Dublin Press. pp. 52, 53. ISBN 9781900621199. Retrieved 30 May 2010.
  102. ^ J. Bowyer Bell, The Secret Army: The IRA, page 27
  103. ^ Robert Kee The Green Flag: Ourselves Alone
  104. ^ News Items Relating to the 1916 Easter Rising Commemorations, IE: RTÉ, 1966
  105. ^ Brennan, Cathal, A TV pageant, the Golden Jubille Commemorations of the 1916 Rising
  106. ^ O’Brien, Conor Cruise (1972), States of Ireland, Hutchinson, pp. 88, 99, ISBN 0-09-113100-6
  107. ^ Deane, Seamus (1991), "Wherever Green is Read", in Ní Dhonnchadha; Dorgan, Revising the Rising, Derry: Field Day, p. 91, ISBN 0-946755-25-6
  108. ^ Foster, Roy F., Modern Ireland 1600–1972, Penguin 1989 ISBN 978-0140132502, p. 484
  109. ^ Irish Times, 22 April 1976
  110. ^ Irish times, 26 April 1976
  111. ^ Reconstructing the Easter Rising, Colin Murphy, The Village, 16 February 2006
  112. ^ Irish Times, 22 October 2005
  113. ^ "In pictures: Easter Rising commemorations". BBC News. 16 April 2006. Retrieved 29 March 2010.